Aga'shi. One of the inscribed stones in the Collector's garden at Thana was brought from Agashi. It is 3' 3" long by 1' 5" broad and 6" thick, and on the top is an urn, kalash, with a sun and crescent moon on either side. The inscription is in sixteen lines; the letters are well-preserved Devanagari, and the language is Sanskrit. It is dated Shak 1072 (A.D. 1150) Pramoda Samvatsara (cycle year), during the reign of the Silahara king Haripaldev. The ministers mentioned are Vesupadvala, Shri Lakshman Prabhu, Padmashiv Raul, and Vasugi Nayak. The grant is the fixed revenue of Shri Nevadi in charge of the Pattakil (Patil) Raja. The grantor is prince Ahavamalla enjoying the village of Vattaraka [Vattaraka is the modern Vatargaon, two miles north-west of Sopara. Du Perron (1760) notices it as Outar. Zend Avesta, I. ccclxxxiii.] in Shurparaka. The grantee is Upadhyaya Brahmadevbhatta, son of Divakarbhatta, the son of Govardhanbhatta. The witnesses to the grant are Risi Mhatara, headman of Vattaraka village, Naguji Mhatara, Ananta Nayaka, and Changdev Mhatara. [The translations of this and the following eleven inscriptions have been contributed by Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji from stones collected by Mr, W. B. Mulock, C.S.]


Ambarna'th. In one or two places down the left bank of the stream, within a quarter of a mile of the temple, are traces of brick foundations, perhaps the site of an old village. The people call it the bazar.

On the roof of the temple the irregular masonry of the inside of the dome shows traces of rough repairs. There are also fragments better carved than the rest of the temple and perhaps one or two hundred years older, notably a stone on the right side about two paces from the door. On the left, across the entrance passage from this specially well-carved stone, is a rounded block which looks like the top of a Buddhist daghoba. Some of the carved stones in the outside of the dome roof, especially a small slab of two men holding a woman, about half way up the south front of the dome, seem older and better carved than the rest of the stones.

In different parts of the temple enclosure, especially in the slightly raised ground twenty or thirty yards to the west, are traces of old brick foundations. On the top of the high ground to the west of the temple are the remains of a brick building apparently a temple. In the mound about eighty yards to the south of this high ground are traces of foundations, and at the west foot are several large dressed stones. Among the loose stones in the temple enclosure there is, to the north, a sati stone, probably of about the twelfth century, with its top carved into a large-eared funereal urn. Below is Ganesh and above a man and woman worshipping a ling and angels dropping garlands on their heads. Leaning against the south enclosure wall, to the east of the pond door, is a seven-hooded Snake God or Nag Raja. To the east is a group of Shiv and Parvati. The stone with the hand carved on it is a modern sati stone.


Archaeological Remains. Since the summary at page 10 was prepared, several additional Archaeological Remains have been found. Among these are a Buddhist relic mound or stupa, a block of stone with part of the eighth edict of Ashok, five inscriptions of the second century before Christ, and several broken Brahmanical and Jain sculptures at Sopara; relic mounds at Kalyan and Elephanta; memorial stones at Eksar, Atgaon, and Kalambhom and about twenty-five Silahara land-grant stones in various parts of the district but chiefly from Bassein, Salsette, and Uran.


Asheri. The copy of the inscription from which the transcript and translation given at page 13 note 2 were made, was incorrect and incomplete. The translation is therefore wrong. Dr. G. DaCunha has supplied the following restored text and amended translation:

(1) EM 27 (D) E 8BR? SE R (EDIFICOU) ESTA SER (R)A NA (2) ERA DE 1587, E NA ERA DE 1663 S(E) (MANDOU FA-) (3) ZER ESTA EGREJA D (E.) N. S. DOS RE (MEDIOS); (4) ESTANDO GO (VERNANDO O) V REI. (ANTONIO DE MELLO E) (5) (CASTRO), E SENDO GEL D (o). NOR (T) E (JOAO) DE SI (2) RADE (FARIA); (6) E CAPM DE (s) TA CAPM NIA CRAI [ Jour. B. B. B. A. S. IX. 221.] This may be translated,' On the 27th of October was rebuilt this hill fort in the year 1587, and in the year 1663 was made this church of Our Lady of Remedios (Remedies), being Governor the Viceroy Antonio de Mello e Castro, being General of the North Joao de Siqueira de Faria, and Captain of this captainship Crai? (Christovao?).'


The Viceroy Antonio de Mello e Castro held office from 1662 to 1666. It was he who, under the compulsion of the King, ceded Bombay to the British Crown. Joao de Siqueira de Faria was General of the North, with his seat at Bassein, from 1661 to 1664. The name of the Captain of Asheri is nearly worn out.

In 1634 Bocarro speaks of a Vicar of Asheri (Chronista de Tissuary, III. 245), and in 1728 Coutinho describes the church as ruined, without roof or doors, with broken arches and cracked walls, and the image of Our Lady and other saints uncared for (Chronista de Tissuary, I. 33, 57).


Bassein. One of the inscribed stones in the museum of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was brought from Bassein. It is 4' 10" long by 1' 8" broad and 9" thick. The top is semicircular with a sun and moon on either side. In a recess below is an ascetic worshipping a ling. His drinking pot is shown hanging behind him. Near him is another ascetic with a ling in his hand. Below is an inscription of sixteen lines and below the inscription is the usual ass-curse. The letters are Devanagari and the language is incorrect Sanskrit. The inscription is dated Shak 1083 (A.D. 1161) Vrisha Samvatsara in the reign of the illustrious Silahara Mallikarjun. The ministers mentioned are Prabhakar Nayaka and Padhi Anantpai Prabhu. The grant is of Shilarvavak (perhaps the name of a field or garden) in Padhalasak in the district of Katkhadi. The grantors are the royal priest or rajgsuru Devshiv and the Shaivite temple priest or bhopa Dharmashiv, and the grantee is the family priest or avajha (Sk. Upadhyaya) Lakhanak. The grant was made for services rendered by Lakhanak in repairing a temple.

Several years ago, a copper-plate was found at Bassein by Dr. Bhau Daji. [Jour. B. B. B. A. S. IX. 221.] It consists of three plates, the middle plate engraved on both sides and the first and third plates on the inner side. The three are perforated at the top and held by a ring. The ring has the eagle Garud sitting with folded hands, and on either side of him are two conch-shells the emblem of Vishnu. The plates are well preserved. The grantor is king Seunachandra (II.) of the Yadav dynasty, and the plates bear date Shak 991 (A.D. 1069) Saumya Samvatsara. The grantee was the royal priest or rajguru Sarvadevacharya, and the village granted was Chincholi ' in the twelve villages (petty division) of Sinhi,' apparently the modern Chincholi on the Nasik-Sangamner road about four miles east of Devlali and three miles south-west of Sinde (' Sinhi'). The order of succession is Dridhaprahar (about A.D. 850), the founder of the dynasty who came from Dvaravati and made famous the old town of Chandradityapur probably Chandor in Nasik: Seunachandra (I.) who founded Seunapur in Sindmer probably the modern Sinnar; Dvadiyappa, Bhillam (I.) who married Lasthiyavva the daughter of the fifth Silahara king Jhanjha (A.D. 916), Shriraj, Vardig, Tesuk (Vardig's son?) who married Nayiyalla, the daughter of the Chalukya noble Gogiraj, Bhillam (II.) who conquered Ahavamalla son of Jaysing Chalukya (1040-1069 according to Chalukya lists) and married Ahavamalla's sister Avvaldevi; and Seunachandra (II.) the grantor who is said to have had to conquer other kings before he, could hold his kingdom.

In the compound of the double-storied rest-house near Manikpur or Bassein Road station are two inscribed stones, one of them larger than the other. The larger stone was brought from Nandui about twelve miles south-west of Vada. It is a trap slab 5' 2" long by 2' 6" broad and 6" thick. At the top are, on either side, the sun and the moon, and in the middle the figure of an ascetic about a foot long, sitting with folded hands and crossed legs. A drinking vessel hangs from his left shoulder. Below the figure is an inscription in sixteen lines, occupying a space 1' 8" long by 2' 6" broad. The language is Sanskrit and the letters are deep cut in the Devanagari character, much resembling letters of the Silahara period. The inscription has suffered from time and is hard to make out. The king's name appears distinctly as Aparaditya. The third of the four numerals giving the date is lost; but the year is probably Shak 1107 (A.D. 1185). [The year as given in letters seems to read navatyadhika ekadasha shateshu or eleven hundred plus ninety (A.D. 1268), which would make this king Aparaditya III., the twenty-first and probably the last Silahara. This is doubtful.] The minister's name appears to be Amuk or Amak. The inscription records the gift of Satuli village, apparently the hot-spring village of Sativli about ten miles north-west of Nandui, to a priest named Vedangrasi. Below the inscription is the ass-curse.

The smaller stone was brought from Nila about a mile north of Sopara. It is 3' 8" long by 1' 3" broad and 9" thick. The letters are shallow, dim, and much spoilt. Above are the sun and moon. Then follows the inscription in twelve lines occupying a space 1' long by 1' 3" broad. The language is Sanskrit. The king's name is given as Ramchandradev, and he is styled ' The sun causing to blossom the budlike family of the Yadav dynasty.' The date is given in figures as Shak 122, but apparently a numeral is omitted. The date may be 1202 or 1220 (A.D. 1280-1298). The inscription is too much spoilt to find out its meaning. The name Shurparak (Sopara) occurs twice, and in the last line can be read ' Dra 203,' apparently a grant of 203 drammas.


Bha'ndup. In the compound of the headman's house at Bhandup is an inscribed stone 4" 2" long by 1' 2" broad and 4" thick. It was found during the rains of 1882 in a field about half a mile east of Bhandup. Above are the sun and moon, then follows the inscription in nine lines, and below the inscription is the ass-curse. The letters are Devanagari, worn out, and in some places lost. The inscription begins with Shak Samvat, but the date is not clear. In the third line is the name of the king, probably Someshvar, but it is not distinct.


Borivli. On the ridge of a rice field, about a hundred yards south-east of the distance-signal to the south of the Borivli station, is an inscribed slab of trap 4' long, 1' 6" broad, and 7" thick. Above are the sun and moon and a small standing figure. Below are nine lines of an inscription in the Devanagari character, bearing date Shak 1075 (A.D. 1153) Shrimukh Samvatsara. The name of the king is Haripal, and mention is made of Haripaldeveshvar, probably indicating a grant to a Shaiv temple built by the king and bearing his name.


Dahisar, about six miles east of Virar, has a broken inscribed stone, the inscription on which is almost entirely worn out. The broken ass of the ass-curse appears below. The stone is about one foot square and four inches thick.


Elephanta. The Buddhist mound mentioned at pages 60 and 94 was excavated (April-May 1882) by Dr. Burgess to a depth of about thirty-two feet, through irregular brick and earth and earth and boulders. Nothing was found. The sides about the centre were probed to two and three feet at various points but unsuccessfully. There is some built brick-work round the centre beneath a Marine Survey flagstaff, which was dug into. It is possible that the relics have disappeared with the twelve or fifteen feet of the top which has been broken down. In the top, on one side of the flagstaff, is a hole which looks as if the mound had before been dug into. The solid brick-work below may have been the platform on which the relic chamber stood. [Mr. H. Cousens, Head Assistant, Bom. Arch. Sur. Letter dated 16th May 1882.]

The two inscribed copper-plates mentioned at pages 80 note 1 and 96 were given by the finder Mr. Harold Smith to the late Dr. Wilson. Dr. Wilson does not seem to have done anything with the copper-plates, and there is now no trace of them.

Near the copper-plates was found in 1869 the stone of a small seal ring. The stone is an oval ruby-coloured carnelian 0.435" long by 0.35" broad. The length of the face is 0.40" and the breadth 0.28". On the face is cut an ellipse 0.37" by 0.26", inside of which is the word Narayana in letters of about the fifth or sixth century. The ring was formerly in the possession, of the late Dr. Bhau Daji. [Dr. Burgess' Elephanta, 40.]


Goregaon. The following detailed account of the Padan antiquities mentioned at page 102 is taken from Pandit Bhagvanlal's paper on Antiquarian Remains at Sopara and Padan in the Bombay Asiatic Journal for 1882:


About eleven miles north of Bombay, and three miles north-east of Goregaon station on the Baroda railway, is a small range of hills whose northern extremity, jutting towards the deserted village of Akurli, goes by the name of PADAN. The Marathi word Padan corresponds to the Gujarati Padan and to the Hindi Padav, and means a place of encampment. The name Padan has been given to this hill, because during the rainy months the cattle from the neighbouring villages are taken to its dry flat top to save them from the mud and slime of the rice lands below. [When I was on the hill-top in February, there was much dry cowdung which boys were collecting to take to the fields for manure.] Many similar places are called Padan.

Padan hill is from 180 to 200 feet above the level of the surrounding fields. It rises with an easy slope from the west, while on the east it is a sheer precipice. To the south it is connected with a range of small hills, and on the north it ends with a gradual slope. The surface of the top measures about 350 feet from north to south. It is somewhat broader in the south, narrowing northwards with a gradual downward slope. On the e est much of the hill-top is on a higher level, like a raised platform. The hill lies five or six miles west of Kanheri, and the black cleft in which the Kanheri caves are cut can be clearly seen.

There is no building on the top of the hill. On the south appears something like the foundation of a wall, and on the north is a circular row of undressed stones. Neither of these are foundations of buildings; they are the sites of temporary huts erected during the rainy months by cattle-keepers. At the base of the hill to the west is a pond with a broken dam, which is almost dry in the fair season. [The dam of this pond is said to have been made by Bhau Rasul, once the proprietor of Malad village. But as the pond seems to have been old, Bhau Rasul probably repaired an older dam.]

As shown in the accompanying sketch the hill top contains the following objects of interest:—(1) A natural cave; (2) Symbols cut on the surface of the rock; (3) Inscriptions cut on the surface of the rock.


The natural cave is almost in the middle of the hill-top, near the western edge. Over it grows a tamarind tree, and at the foot of the tree are some signs of stone work. The cave faces north. Its entrance is almost choked with earth, and it looks like the hole of some small animal. I learnt from the people of the neighbourhood that Kathodis in search of porcupine quills sometimes make their way into the cave, and they say, there is space inside for sitting. The outside of the cave favours the truth of this statement about the Kathodis. If the mouth were opened the cave might be found to contain some object of interest.


There are eleven symbols carved in different parts of the hill-top. (No. 1) The footmarks of a cow and a calf are ten feet east of the tamarind tree. The four feet of the cow with the hoofs marked are well cut in the rock, the cow facing north. The distance between the front and hind legs is two feet six inches. The forelegs are rather far apart, the distance between them being eight inches; the hind legs are closer together, only two inches apart. Each hoof is about three inches long and about the same in breadth. The calf faces the south, and from the position of its feet seems to be sucking the cow. The distance between its front and hind feet is one foot six inches. Each hoof measures an inch and a half long, and about the same in breadth. The distance between the two fore feet and between the two hind feet is about an inch. (See below Plate I. fig. 1).

(2). The chakra or Buddhist wheel is cut about fifteen feet south of the cow's feet. It has fifteen spokes and a double circle. The diameter of the wheel is 9 inches. (Plate I. fig. 2).

(3). Seventeen feet east of the chakra or Buddhist wheel, and on the east edge of the hill are two pairs of human feet facing each other, one pair smaller than the other. These feet are not cut in the way feet are usually carved; they are either cut with shoes, champals, or perhaps the work is rough and unfinished. The larger pair faces west, each foot ten inches long by four inches broad. Facing it about two inches to the west is a smaller pair, each foot 8 inches long by three inches broad. The people call these the footmarks of a husband and wife, navara-navari che paye. (Plate I. fig. 3).

(4). About three feet south of the two pairs of footmarks is a small conch shell, nine inches long and six inches broad in the middle. (Plate I. fig. 4).

(5). About fifty feet south of the small conch shell is a pair of child's feet going from south to north. The left foot is in front, and the right behind, as if the child was crossing a slit in the rock. The two feet are ten inches apart; each foot is four inches long, with a breadth at the toes of 2 inches. These feet are very well carved. (Plate I. fig. 5).

(6). Three feet west of the right or hind foot, of the child is a large conch shell, one foot seven inches long and nine inches broad in the middle. (Plate I. fig. 6).

(7a & b). About fourteen feet south of the large conch shell is a pair of large human footmarks, each foot being one foot long by five inches broad. They are on the eastern edge of the hill, and are the marks of some one leaping out towards the east. The right foot is five feet and five inches in front of the left. They are both well carved. In front of the hind footmark is Inscription (E) in letters of the first century after Christ. By the side of the same footmark is Inscription (F) in letters of the second or third century after Christ. To the left of the front footmark is Inscription (G) in letters of about the second or the third century, and to the right is Inscription (K), the well known Buddhist formula in letters of about the fifth or sixth century. (Plate III. figs, 7a & b).

(8). The Buddhist Trident.—This symbol is about eight feet south of the large footmarks. To the (visitor's) right is Inscription (H) in letters of the first century after Christ, and below the symbol is Inscription (I) in letters of the second or third century after Christ. To the (visitor's) left is Inscription (J) in letters of about the second or third century after Christ. But for the two ox-hoof marks in this symbol it much resembles what is generally known as the Buddhist trident, an emblem found in old Buddhist sculptures and coins. In dignity the so-called Buddhist trident comes next to the Dharmachakra and to the pentagonal symbol below both of which it is generally found. In one place in the Bhilsa sculptures the trident is carved on the throne of Buddha as the principal object of worship. In other sculptures it appears on flags, in ornaments, and as an auspicious mark on the sole of Buddha's foot. Its meaning has not been settled. General Cunningham believes it to be a Dharma symbol, a monogram formed from the letters, ;]j]y]o]l which the later Tantriks use to represent the five elements. To me the symbol seems to be derived from the face of an ox, much resembling the Greek sign for the constellation Taurus. The inscription by the side of this Padan symbol uafniva Sk. uafnina The symbol of the bull,' seems to tell in favour of the Bull Theory. [Cunningham's Bhilsa Topes, 198; Fergusson's Tree and Serpent Worship, 106. and note 4, 145, 180, 190, 192; Jour. R. A. S. (N. S.), III. 160. Dr. Fergusson believes it to be an emblem of Buddha. Compare Lillie's Buddha and Early Buddhism, 18.] The two ox-hoof marks in the symbol are perplexing. I can suggest only one explanation. The symbol was generally intended to represent a bull's head, and was known as uafnina that is the bull symbol. In later times the word padam was supposed to mean foot not symbol, and ox-hoof marks were carved to explain the phrase nandi padam. (Plate III. fig. 8).

(9). Seven feet south-east of the trident are two jugs, one large the other small. The large jug is fourteen inches long, nine inches across, and five inches long in the neck. It much resembles the jugs shown in old sculptures in the hands of monks and Bodhisattvas. The small jug is eight and a half inches long and five inches across. It has a neck two and a half inches long and a side spout two inches long. Both jugs appear to be made on the model of clay pots. (Plate I. fig. 9).

(10). Eighty-six feet north-west of the trident, on a higher level, is a jar eleven inches long, eight and a half inches across in the middle, and three inches long in the neck. In the middle of the jar is a square pattern with a point in the middle, probably for ornament. A bit on the side is lost. (Plate I. fig. 10).

(11). 190 feet south-west of the last jar, on a detached rock to the south, is a mirror with a round disc and a handle. The disc of the mirror is ten and a half inches across, and the handle is seven inches long. It is like the metal mirrors used in Nepal at the present day, the disc being fitted into the handle in the same way. They are made of bell metal or of brass, with a specially large proportion of zinc. In Nepal metal mirrors are considered more suitable for religious purposes than looking-glasses. There the mirrors, which are held in front of a god after his worship is over, are still made of metal, mostly of silver, and so is the mirror held up to the bridegroom in his marriage dress, a glass mirror being considered unlucky. Several old Nepal barbers even now use metal mirrors, though a little different in shape from this Padan mirror. Among the eight auspicious things shown in the Khandgiri and Girnar sculptures are mirrors resembling this mirror in shape. (Plate I. fig. 11).


There are in all eleven inscriptions, which I have marked in letters A - K, to distinguish them from the symbols, which are marked in numbers. The inscriptions range from the first to the sixth century after Christ. All except two are written in the old Prakrit used in Western India cave inscriptions. Inscriptions A to D are given in Plate II.

Inscription A is well cut in large well preserved characters of about the first century after Christ. It is in one line, six feet long, and begins with the svastika mark:




The western seat of the Vasaka mountain.

Note.— oklkd may be a corruption of ok"kZd, that is for the rainy season; but I think oklkd is the original name of Padan hill. vkjke properly means a pleasure seat or garden. It is, I think, here used in the sense of a pleasure seat, as having been a favourite seat of some ascetic who used to sit on the hill-top, enjoying the view across to the sea. If vkjke meant a garden, something more would have been added to say whether it was a gift, and if so by whom it was given. Again there is a mention in another inscription of an eastern vkjke.

Inscription B is about thirty feet south-east of Inscription A. It is one foot ten inches long, and is written in two lines. The letters are well cut and well preserved of about the first century after Christ:




And the eastern pleasure-seat of Kosikaya.

Note.—Kosikaya is Sanskrit Kaushikeya, that is son of Kaushiki.

This inscription tells us that the eastern vkjke is of one Kosikaya. In Inscription A, a western vkjke is mentioned, as also the mountain where it is, but not the person to whom it belongs. Here the name of the person is also mentioned, while the p 'and' at the end leaves no doubt that both vkjkes are of Kosikaya.

Inscription C, about twenty feet south of Inscription B, is in one line three feet four inches long. The letters are large, deeply cut and well preserved, and appear from their form to belong to the first century after Christ:




The mountain, the residence of Siddhas (monks) all about.

Inscription D, about fifteen feet west of Inscription C, is written in one short and one long crooked line, three feet long. The letters are very large but shallow, and appear from their form to be of about the first century after Christ. The ninth letter of line two is lost, and the tenth is doubtful. This makes it difficult to get any sense out of the inscription:




A body of Brahmacharis gave an order to the husbandmen ?

Note.—I can offer no suggestion as to the meaning of this inscription. fodjkfg may be also read edjkfg-

Inscription E is to the south of Inscription D, in front of symbol 7 a. It is a short writing of five large letters, which seem from their form to be of about the first century after Christ:


Note.l/k is, I believe, a mistake for fl/k. The inscription should, therefore, be read fl/keqly



The sage Musala.

Note.—Musala seems to be the name of the sage near whose footmark the letters are carved.

Inscription F is on the (visitor's) left of 7a. It is in Sanskrit and records the same name as E, in well cut letters of about the second or third century after Christ:



This is the same name as in Inscription E, omitting his title of fl) and adding the nominal affix nk-

Inscription G is about nine inches to the (visitor's) right of symbol 7 b. It is well cut and well preserved, and appears from the form of the letters to be of about the second or third century after Christ:




Step of Rama.

Note.—Ikamo is probably for Sanskrit Vikramah, which means a footstep. Even to the present day, the Maharashtris interchange o  for v, as ,Gk for osGk (time), ,Mk for osMk (mad); b".kq for fo".kq- 

Inscription H is to the right of the Buddhist trident No. 8. It is carved in well cut well preserved letters of the first century after Christ:




The residence of Nandi.

Inscription I is below the trident. It is well cut and well preserved in letters of the second or third century after Christ:



Note.—The writer seems to have at first omitted l, which he has added below between eq and y.

Inscription J is to the (visitor's) left of the trident. It is well cut and well preserved in letters of the second or third century after Christ:



Inscription K is to the (visitor's) left of 7b. It is in three lines. The letters are small and not deeply cut They are of about the fifth or sixth century after Christ. The inscription is the well-known Buddhist formula, Ye Dharma Hetu, &c. :



Note.—In the formula as found on the pedestals of images of Buddha at Buddha Gaya, the reading is /kEeZ for /kEekZ] gsraq rs"kka for gsrqLrs"kka and egkJe.k for egkJo.k : The formula is differently interpreted by scholars. I translate it: The Tathagata (or similarly come, that is any of the Buddhas) showed the object of those (previous Buddhas) who took birth for the sake of religion; they (that is any of the Buddhas) also told what they forbad. So spake (literally a thus-speaker is) the Great Shramana (Gautama). Almost all the seal impressions in dried clay found by Mr. West in Kanheri Cave XIII. (Jour. B. B. R. A. S. VI. 157, Plate VII. figs. 1-21) had this formula, with the reading /kEekZ as at Padan. According to this reading, which is also found at the end of several Nepalese Buddhist manuscripts, the sense would be: ' The Tathagata (or similarly come, that is any of the Buddhas) has shown the cause of those merits which are the result of some cause; he has also shown what prevents merit (from accruing). So spake (literally a thus-speaker is) the Great Shramana (Gautama).' Compare Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, 51; Jour. Beng. As. Soc. IV. 132; Jour. R. A. S. (Old Series), XVI. 37-53. Hodgson (Illustrations, Literature and Religion of the Buddhists, 158-163) translates it, ' The cause or causes of all sentient existence in the versatile world, the Tathagata has explained. The Great Shramana hath likewise explained the cause or causes of the cessation of all such existence.'


The origin of these symbols and inscriptions on the Padan hill is its natural cavern, whose solitude and the beautiful view it commands probably recommended it to some ascetic. People may have tried to preserve the memory of this ascetic by carving symbols and inscriptions, or some ascetic living on the hill may have tried to confer holiness upon it by connecting it with stories of some former sage. The sage who lived on the hill, or, according to the second supposition, the imaginary sage for whom the story was got up, was probably Musala or Musaladatta, whose name is twice carved near footmark 7a (Inscriptions E and F). This and the other footmark 7b are carved as if they were the feet of some one leaping off the east cliff towards Kanheri. These are, I believe, the chief symbols connected with the story. In the legend of the Sopara merchant Punna (Sk. Purna), translated from Buddhist manuscripts by the late M. Burnouf, it is said that when, at the request of Punna (Sk. Purna), Gautama came to Sopara, he visited several places in the neighbourhood. One of these places was the hill of Musalaka, on which lived a sage called Vakkali (Sk. Valkalin, or the bark-dress wearer). According to the story, the sage saw Buddha from afar, when he was coming from a hermitage of 500 rishis, and on seeing Gautama the thought arose in his heart, ' Why should I not throw myself from the top of the hill?' He threw himself down, and Gautama caught him by his supernatural power and converted him. [Burnouf's Introduction A l'Histoire du Buddhisme Indien, 265. The Ceylonese, probably the older, version of Purna's story (Hardy's Manual of Buddhism, 260) seems to call Padan by the name Sachabadha. 'On their way to Sunaparanta they called at Sachabadha, where there was a mendicant with clotted hair. To him Buddha delivered a discourse, as he saw that he had the merit necessary to become a rahat; and, after he had attained this state, he entered the vacant litter, and accompanied Buddha to the merchant's (Purna's) village. Compare also the Sachabadha not far from Sup-parak (Ditto, 210), ' upon the summit of which, at the request of a priest of the same name, he (Gautama) made an impression of his foot in clay.' Has the name Sachabadha any connection with Sidhavasati (Sk. Siddhavasatih)' the residence of Siddhas (monks)' in Padan inscription C?] I have little doubt that the Musalaka hill of this story is our Padan hill, and that the footmarks (symbols 7a and 7b) are those of the Vakkali who leapt over the cliff. Vasaka, the name given in Inscription A, is probably the old name of the hill. The legend calls it the hill of Musalaka, from the sage who lived on it and whose name is carved on the top. Vakkali, the name given in the legend to the sage who lived on the hill, is a common noun meaning the wearer of a dress made of bark. The question arises whether this Vakkali was Musala, or whether Musala was the sage, who, to confer holiness on the hill, had the symbols connected with the story of Vakkali carved on its top. The legend does not explain this point. I incline to believe that Musala is the Vakkali, as his name ' the sage Musala' is carved near footmark 7a in one (E) of the oldest inscriptions, not as a donor, but as though he were the person whose footmark it is. Inscriptions F, G, and I, which are all of the same time and more than a century later than E, seem to show that an attempt was made to give a different colour to the story. Inscriptions F and I read ' Musaladatta,' which may either mean ' given by Musala,' or may be an attempt to make eqly a purely Brahmanical name by adding nk- Inscription G, near footmark 7b, seems to imply an attempt to connect the mark with the story of Rama, the hero of the Ramayana. Inscription J, near the trident, which is of the same period, records the name of some one who does not seem to have any connection with Musala's story. Inscription K is very late, of about the fifth or sixth century. It is the well-known Buddhist formula, and was probably carved by some late Buddhist visitor of the Mahayana school. It seems to have no connection with the other symbols.

B, one of the two early inscriptions (1st century) runs, ' And the eastern pleasure seat of Kosikaya.' Kosikaya may be a family name meaning ' one of the Kaushiki dynasty,' but it is more probably a maternal name meaning the son of Kaushiki. It is possible that it may be Musala's own name, or the name of some sage connected with Musala. Inscription C, ' The mountain, the residence of sages all about,' is a mere exaggeration, an attempt to confer greatness on the hill. This practice is common. The Jains say that thousands of their sages obtained absolution, mukti, on the Girnar and Shatrunjaya hills.

How the various symbols are connected with the story of Musalaka we have no means of knowing. Burnouf's legend gives us only the name of Musalaka, and allows us to draw an inference about the footmarks. To the other symbols it gives no clue. In the absence of materials I do not like to build on conjecture, but leave the matter to future research. This much seems pretty certain that the old name of the Padan hill was Vasaka: (2) that it was called the hill of Musakala, because a sage of that name lived on its top; (3) that the Buddhists probably regarded it as holy, believing it to be the scene of the story of Musalaka, whom Gautama came to see and converted; and (4) that as it was believed to have been the residence of many sages, people of the Brahmanical religion probably regarded it as holy.

From the inscriptions, the symbols and the legend of Punna (Sk. Purna), the history of the Padan antiquities may be thus summarised: As the legend of Purna mentions a Brahmanical sage, and as there is a natural cave on the hill-top fit for the residence of an ascetic, it may be inferred that the hill was once the residence of a Brahmanical sage; that some time later, about the first century after Christ, the footmarks and other symbols and the six inscriptions, A, B, C, D, E, and H, were carved to connect the story of the sage with Buddha; that about a century later an attempt was made to connect the hill and its symbols with the Brahmanical story of Rama; and that in the sixth century Buddhists probably regarded the hill as holy, as some Buddhist of the Mahayana school carved on it the well-known Buddhist formula.


Ka'lva'r village, two miles west of Bhiwndi, has, half buried under ground, an inscribed stone 2' 7" long by 9" broad and 8" thick. The inscription is in twenty-seven lines in the Devanagari character. In the first line is the date Shak 1210 (A.D. 1288), and the grantor is a Konkan officer, Konkanadhikari, of the Devgiri Yadav Ramchandradev. The letters are rather spoilt.


Kalya'n. During the months of April and May 1882 several early remains were found in and near the town of Kalyan.

About a mile to the west of Kalyan, close to the south of the railway line, rise two bare rounded hills, to the east Bhoi hill 374 feet high and to the west Kachor hill 274 feet high. Their nearness to the rich city of Kalyan, the belt of fine garden land at their northern base, and the beautiful views from their slopes and tops seem to have attracted Buddhist monks (A.D. 100-600?) to these two hills. From rice fields and a belt of mango trees, the hill sides rise steep stony and bare except for patches of low brushwood and a sprinkling of ragged and lopped mango trees. In their lower slopes there are several quarries, and, along the sides of both hills, about two-thirds of the way up, runs a low scarp which in places has split into large boulders. At the north foot of the Bhoi hill, in a mango grove close to a Parsi garden house, a round well has lately been found and cleared of earth. It is about seven feet across and twelve feet deep, and is built of old mortarless bricks. A little to the west are foundations of old brick walls, and old bricks are often turned up in ploughing the neighbouring fields. [These old bricks can in most cases be readily known from the modern bricks which were made here and used to ballast the railway line.] About three hundred yards further west, round the quarries that gash the north end of Kachor hill, a path leads from the north-west end of the spur, about eighty feet up to a level plateau where is a quarry and the traces of modern brick-kilns. Besides the modern bricks there are old brick foundations, and, along the west crest of the knoll, is a row of boulders as if roughly set as a retaining wall. About fifty yards south, a little to the left, near the source of a small stream, are two rock-cut cisterns, one with two mouths and the other with one mouth. The mouths measure about 3' 9" x 2' 10", and are separated by bands of rock about 1' 9" broad. Both cisterns are filled with earth. Close by was found a fragment of a well carved stone pillar which seems to belong to a Brahmanical temple of the eleventh or twelfth century.

Behind the cistern a steep bank, partly faced with old brick, leads to a level plateau the site of a railway contractor's house. Among and close to the foundations of this house are many traces of old brick foundations. To the south, perhaps about 100 feet up the face of the hill, among the large boulders into which the belt of rock has broken, one smooth round block of trap, about ten feet high and fifteen feet long, has been hollowed into a cell or view-room, whose inner measurements are 10' x 6' x 6'7" high. The lower part of the front or north face has fallen, and, in the middle, is a broken door (about 6' x 2'6"). Along the back runs a broken rock bench about two feet broad. The walls are plain and roughly cut. The cell commands a beautiful view, up the winding low-banked Ulhas, past Kalyan, to the peak of Kina and the pointed Vajrabai hills. About a hundred paces to the south, and perhaps fifty feet higher, is the hill top, bare and flat, except a few small bushes. Near the middle of the hill top the foundations of a wall of rough undressed stones enclose a space about a hundred feet square. From this square space a brick and stone mound, with a base about ninety feet across, rises about eight feet. The outline of the domed brick sides is in places well preserved, but the upper part of the mound is gone and on the flattened top are the foundations of cattle-keepers' or other hillmen's huts. In the middle of the flat top a round hole about twelve feet in diameter was dug, four and a half feet through brick, earth, and rough stones, to crumbled trap or muram. No relics were found and no signs of a central brick chamber.

The mound commands a beautiful view. North-east, over the white walls, tiled roofs, and wooded gardens of Kalyan, stretches a bare plain broken by clusters of trees and a few rounded hillocks of trap to the dim level wall of the Sahyadris. West from the Sahyadris, along the north-east horizon, stretches the range that centres in the huge cleft back of Mahuli. To the north and north-west, in the central distance, through rice flats and salt wastes, between low tree-fringed banks, wind the graceful links of the broad Ulhas. The river winds into sight about three miles north-west of Kalyan, and curves south-east along a channel about three-quarters of a mile broad. Near Kalyan fort it turns sharply to the west, and, passing close under the hill foot, with here and there a shallow tide-race or a patch of bare sand, holds west for about two miles. It then winds to the north, and, again with a rounded curve, sweeps back to the south-west, losing itself for a time, and once more stretching west, like a long winding lake, till it disappears beyond the wild northern crags of the Persik hills. Among and behind these flashing links stretches a wooded plain broken by low rounded hills. To the north rise the steep wooded slopes and sharp peak of Kina hill; behind Kina to the west are the pointed Vajrabai hills; and from them low spurs lead west to the high distant range that centres in the rounded head of Kamandurg. West, beyond the broad bright coils of the Ulhas, gleams the Thana creek, and, over the creek, rises the long waving line of the wooded Salsette hills. To the south-west a lake-like stretch of the Ulhas, with its fringe of light-green mangroves, brightens the tree-studded rice fields, stony bush-land, and salt waste from which rise the bold crags and the sharp cut crests of the Persik hills. To the south low bare hillocks and the tamarinds, mangoes, and brab-palms of village groves, stretch to the pillar of Karnala and other far-off Panvel hills. In the south-east tower the wild bare sides, the deep wooded ravines, and the high splintered crests of Malanggad and Tavli, and far off, over rich rice hollows and barren uplands looms the dim even line of the Sahyadris. Close at hand to the east, across a narrow rocky glen, rises the Bhoi hill. About two-thirds of the way up is a scarp of rock cut into a small cell, and, on the flat top, rises a knoll with a few scraggy bushes and a large masonry plinth and heavy flag pole, the tomb of the Musalman saint Bawa Hom.

At the south-east foot of Kachor hill, near the south end of the glen, is a plain rock-cut cattle-trough about 11'6"x 1'8"x 1'3" deep. About fifty yards north, cut on the west face of a rough trap boulder, is a rudely carved image (l'6" x 7") of Nagoba or the cobra-god, the guardian spirit of the Gavlis. It is human to the waist and below the waist ends in a snake's winding tail. Round the head is a circle of five cobra-hoods. About 350 yards to the north-east and perhaps about 200 feet up the steep west face of Bhoi hill, is a small plain dome-roofed cave (10' 4" x 8' 7"x 5' 6"). The cave is unfinished probably because of the cracks and flaws in the rock. In the floor about two feet from the back wall is a hole (1' 7"x 1' 2"x 3"), and in the back wall behind the hole is a small recess as if for an image (1' 4"x 1' x 3"). Above the cave, about 200 yards to the south-east and perhaps 100 feet higher, a rough undressed stone wall surrounds the bare flat hill-top. The wall encloses a space of about ninety paces from east to west and 150 from north to south, rounded towards the south and pointed in the north. Except in the north, where it is about four feet high, a six feet broad foundation is all that is left of the wall. Inside of the wall the hill-top is bare, except a few patches of stunted brushwood. In the southeast corner rises a flattened knoll, about eight feet high, the remains of a great Buddhist relic-mound whose base seems to have measured about 100 feet across. It is built of brick and earth, and, in places, is faced with rough undressed stones. The west side is weather-worn almost like the face of a rough stone wall. But on the less exposed east and north, about five feet from the base and three feet from the present top, are traces of a terrace about five feet broad. On the flat top are a few weather-beaten fig and bhendi trees and some thorn-bushes, and, in the south-west corner, on a modern masonry plinth about twenty feet by fifteen and three feet high, is the altar-shaped tomb of Bawa Hom.[Bawa Hom is said to have lived on the top of the hill about 150 years ago. He was an Arab beggar of the Muza Sohag sect who wear women's clothes. He got his name of Bawa Hom because he used to pray to God under the name of Hu. He is also known as Hai Yaum, or the Living One, because he is believed to be still alive. The tomb and plinth were built about six years ago. The saint has no fair-day or uras, but people come and pray to him especially when the rains hold off.]

In the centre of the mound, a round hole, seven feet in diameter, was dug through seven feet of earth and bricks, with occasional big stones, down to crumbled trap or muram. There were no relics and no traces of a chamber. In the south end of the hill-top a shallow round hollow, about twenty feet across and three feet deep, is said to have once been a pond. About ten paces to the west of the base of the mound is a brick and stone foundation about fifteen feet square. The middle has been dug about three feet below the surface and brick and stone thrown up. About twenty yards further west, level with the ground, is a shapeless patch of bricks, and, close to the north of the enclosure, is another patch of bricks, perhaps the site of a doorway.

Down the steep east face of the hill, a zigzag tract leads about 100 yards with a fall of about 100 feet, along the dry bed of a monsoon torrent, to the south end of a low scarp which, with a rough front terrace, stretches north about 100 yards. The rock at the south end of the scarp has been cut into a small plain cave about fourteen feet deep, six feet broad, and four feet high. The mouth of the cave, which is nearly filled with earth, is about four feet broad. The work seems to have been stopped because of flaws in the rock. From the cave the easiest way to the plain is along the terrace down the north face of the hill.

In Kalyan, about 100 yards south-east of the Traveller's Bungalow and about fifty yards north of the railway, in a plot of waste land a little to the north of the empty shrine of Sadaval Pir, [This shrine was built a few years ago by a Bombay Shimpi, who saw saint Sadaval in a vision and was promised the blessing of a son if he built him a resting place.] is a small brick and stone mound about five feet high. It has a base of about twenty-three feet by nineteen, and rises in a rounded mound or heap. On the north, about two feet from the ground, are traces of a terrace which seems to have been about four feet broad. From the centre of this terrace rises a round mound of brick and undressed stone about three feet high and eight feet across at the base. From the east side, through brick and earth and some undressed stones, a passage about three feet wide was cut into the centre of the mound. In the centre, on the level of the ground, was found a double layer of large bricks as if the base of a chamber. Below the under-layer of bricks were crumbled trap and black earth. No relics were found. From its shape Pandit Bhagvanlal thinks the mound is of late date, perhaps about the sixth century.

In a field about 200 yards north-east of the Traveller's Bungalow, close to a ruined brick well, is a brick and stone foundation about thirty feet square and two feet above the level of the ground. It seems to have supplied many of the bricks used in building the well.

Several of the Musalman tombs at the north end of the Shenale Lake seem to be built of old brick.

About a mile and a half north-east of the town is Bharav or Gandhari hill, a bare stony knoll about 150 feet high. In several places near the west base of the hill are traces of old brick foundations. And, at the south end of the hill-top, are the foundations of a rectangular stone wall about twenty-two paces north and south and sixteen paces east and west. To the west are a few old bricks and a hole about four feet deep and twelve feet across. About 200 yards west of the hill and about 100 yards south of a cactus-hedged plot of garden land, apparently the bed of an old pond, is a round mortarless brick well about nine feet in diameter.

On the river bank about a mile north of the fort, and perhaps 300 yards north of the Rosala Pond, is a wooded mound on which stand a large ruined stone mausoleum and several smaller brick and stone Musalman tombs. [On the east bank of the Rosala pond is a group of well-carved Musalman tombs on a well-built but ruined masonry plinth. On the west tomb is engraved in Arabic letters: Aya jami'-ad-dunya bighairi bulghatin : Liman tajma'-ud-dunya wa anta mautun. This may be translated ' Oh ! gatherer of wealth, without provision (for the journey to the next world), for whom dost thou gather wealth, since thou must die'. Mr. Ghulam Muhammad Munshi.] In the walls and foundations of the mausoleum are some dressed stones apparently belonging to a Hindu temple. Besides the old stones there are brick foundations on which the Musalman stone work is built. Lines of bricks may be traced under several of the tombs. The older building roust have been of considerable size, but the mound is too thickly built over to show its form.


Kanher. One of the stones in the Collector's garden in Thana was brought from Kanher, ten miles north-east of Bassein. In the beginning can be read ' Shak Samvat'; the rest is worn away.


Karanja. On the top of the Dronagiri hill is a rock temple much resembling a Christian church. Near the temple is a reservoir. On the. gate of the temple wall are figures of the sun, moon, and Ganpati. Below the temple is a small rock-cut cistern of fresh water with a square mouth closed by a stone lid.


Karna'la. The inscription mentioned at p. 196 is of four lines. In the second and third lines can be made out the name ' Maluji Gambhirrav Thandar.' The inscription does not seem to be more than a century and a half old.


Mahim. One of the inscribed stones in the Collector's garden in Thana was brought from a step-well at Kelve Mahim. It is of reddish sandstone 4' long by 9" broad and 10" thick. The inscription is on two faces, four lines on one face and six lines in continuation on the other face. In the beginning is the year ' Shri Shak Samvatu 1211' (A.D.1289). None of the rest can be made out except two names, the illustrious Iyarandev and the illustrious Narandev.


Mulgaon. In June 1882 a hoard of silver coins was found at Kondivti near Mulgaon by Mr. De-Almeida a landed proprietor. The coins are all of the same king. The letters of the legend appear from their form to be of about the fourth or fifth century. The coins are struck on the Kshatrapa coin pattern. The legend reads, ' The illustrious Krishnaraja, the great lord meditating on the feet of his mother and father,' About sixty coins bearing the same legend were found about ten years ago at Devlana village in Baglan in Nasik ; another hoard of them was found in 1881 in Kalbadevi in Bombay. Krishnaraja must have held Nasik and the North Konkan about the fourth or fifth century after Christ. It appears probable, as suggested by General Cunningham and Mr. Fleet, that the king is the early Rashtrakuta Krishna who ruled from about A.D. 375 to 400.[Arch. Sur. Rep. IX. 30; Kanarese Dynasties, 31 note 2.]


Panvel' has eleven temples, three darghas, four mosques, a synagogue, six ponds, and four rest-houses or dharmshalas. Of the eleven temples one of Virupaksh Mahadev, built by Balaji Krishna Bapat, enjoys a yearly allowance of 2 (Rs. 20). Of the other ten which have no allowances, two of Ballaleshvar Mahadev and Ramji were built by the same Balaji Bapat; one of Rameshvar was built by Raghoji Bhote; a second of Ramji was built by Saklatsing Khodesing Jamadar; one of Krishneshvar by Bapat's wife Krishnabai; one of Balaji by Marvadis and other traders ; one of Vithoba by Sonars; a second of Balaji by Vanis and Thakurs; one of Lakshminarayan by Prabhus; and a second of Rameshvar in Kolivada by Kamatis. All the three Musalman shrines enjoy allowances. One of Pir Karamali enjoys an allowance of 11 16s. (Rs. 118) and 5115/40 acres of land assessed at 10 11s. (Rs. 105-13); another of Pir Balu Mia has an allowance of 2 acres assessed at 18s. 8d. (Rs. 9-5); and a third of Pir Shahu Jamal has an allowance of 4 1/10 acres of land assessed at 1 19s. (Rs. 19-8-3). None of the four mosques has any allowance. Three of them, built by the Musalman community, are the Jama mosque in Patil street, another in Vajhe street, and a third in Bhusar street The fourth in the Kharalvada was built by Dadu Mia Balu Mia Raut. Of the six ponds, the Vadala built by Balaji Bapat has an allowance of 10 33/40 acres of land assessed at 1 15s. (Rs. 17-4). The others, without allowances, are the lsrale built at a cost of 8000 (Rs. 80,000)[Dr. Burgess' List of Archaeological Remains.] by Karamsi Hansraj the Bombay merchant, who built the steps leading to the Elephanta caves; Krishnale built by Krishnabai wife of Balaji Bapat; Devale built by Balaji Bapat and Nakhoda Roge; and two others Lendale and Dudole whose builders are not known. Of the four rest-houses, one Ramjichi built by Saklatsing Khodesing Jamadar enjoys an allowance of 1130/60 acres of land assessed at 2 17s. 6d. (Rs. 28-12). Of the others which have no allowance, one on the Vadala pond was built by Balaji Bapat; another in Vajhe street was built by Balvantrav Ganesh Oze; and a third on the Israle pond by Karamsi Hansraj. Across the Godhi river, about half a mile east of Panvel, is a fine dam, which was built in 1865-66 from local and municipal funds, the local fund contribution being 400 (Rs. 4000). The dam pounds the water of the river for nearly a mile, and along the banks is some fine sugarcane land. [Mr. W. B. Mulook.C. S.]


Pela'r. One of the stones in the Collector's garden in Thana was brought from Pelar, eight miles north-east of Bassein. The stone is 3' 10" long by 1' 10" broad and 8" thick. On the top are the sun and moon on either side, and between them an inscription in eleven lines. The year is lost. The king is the illustrious Arakesvar, perhaps the tenth Silahara king Arikeshari, of whom a copper-plate has been found bearing date Shak 939 (A.D.1017). [Asiatic Researches, I. 356 - 367.]


Pulu Sonala. The following details of the caves are contributed by Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji. The caves are cut from east to west. Cave 1 (38' x 23') is broken and without sculpture. From the traces of partition walls there seem to have been four cells. Cave 2 (22' x 18') seems to have been a simple cell with a reservoir (18 x 7'). In front of this cave are traces of an outer wooden roof. Cave 3 is a cell ten feet square with a veranda to the left and a gateway facing north-west. Cave 4 is a cell twelve feet square, with the gateway facing north-west and two rock-cut benches in its right and left corners. Cave 5 is a cell ten feet square. Cave 6, the best of the group, has a hall (54' x 38') with a central shrine and two side cells in the back wall. The roof is supported by six pillars. Of the two innermost pillars, the left has a sculptured image of the goddess Mahishmardini or the Buffalo-demon slayer, and the right has a similar figure of another goddess. The sculpture of the pillars is good, probably not later than the eighth century. In a recess in the back wall, where the object of worship is generally placed, is a pit about five feet deep. This pit was probably cut as a place to meditate in, the ascetic for whom the cave was made apparently having belonged to the Yog or Meditation School. [See above, p. 290.] The gateway of this cave has a good general view of the country at the base of the Sahyadris. Cave 7 is a cell (13' x 12'); cave 8 is a cell five feet square with a reservoir (34' x 28'); caves 9 and 10 are broken cells; near 10 is a cistern. Cave 11 is a broken cell.

Pulu, spelt 'Powlee' in the maps, is probably the Pilee of the Russian traveller Nikitin (1470) eight days from Chaul on the way to Junnar. [We left Chivil, and went by land in eight days to Pilee to the Indian mountains; thence in ten days to Oomri (?), and from that Indian town to Jooneer (Junnar) in six days. Major's India in the XVth Century; Nikitin, 9.]


Puri, the capital of the northern Silaharas (A.D. 815-1260) and probably of the Mauryas (A.D. 584), has not been identified. The earliest mention of it is in a copper-plate of A.D. 584. It is there described as Puri, the goddess of the fortunes of the western ocean, besieged with hundreds of ships.[Ind. Ant. V. 70, 72; VIII. 242, 244.] This description shows that Puri was a coast town. Of the possible coast towns Thana and Chaul may be rejected as they appear in inscriptions in which Puri also occurs; [Asiatic Researches, I. 357-367; Ind. Ant. IX. 35, 38, 44; and an unpublished copper-plate of Aparajit (A.D.997) in the possession of Pandit Bhagvanlal.] Kalyan and Sopara may be given up as unfit for an attack by sea, and to Sopara there is the further objection that it is mentioned in an inscription in which Puri also occurs.[Ind. Ant. IX. 35, 38, 44. In the Shrikantha Charita (1134-1145) Sopara is mentioned as the place from which Aparaditya the Konkan king sent his delegate to Kashmir (Jour. Bom. Br. Roy. As. Soc. XII. Extra Number 51, cxv). From this Dr. Buhler infers (Sitzungsberichte, 25th May 1882) that Sopara was one of the residences and capitals of Aparaditya. The Silahara kings probably did reside at times at Sopara. But for the reasons noted in the text it seems unlikely that Sopara was their head capital Puri.] There remain Mangalpuri probably Magathan (Sk. Mangalasthana) in Salsette, Gharapuri or Santapuri that is Elephanta, Rajapuri in Janjira, and the village of Puri near Bassein. Neither Magathan nor Rajapuri has remains of an old capital. [Mangalpuri is mentioned as the capital of the second Silahara king Pulashakti in an inscription in Kanheri cave 78 (see above, p. 177: for Magathan see p. 216). Dr. Burgess proposes Rajapuri on the ground that it is still the head-quarters of a sub-division, and because some shadow of royalty hangs about the name. But the objection noted in the text and its distance to the south seem to go against the identification.] Puri village lies about 500 yards south-west of Manikpur or Bassein Road station. Its full name is said to be Burhanpur, but it is generally called Puri and it is mentioned as Puri in a Maratha chronicle of the siege of Bassein in 1738.[Kavyetihasa Sangraha, May 1881; Sashthichi Bakhar, 13.] But there are no signs of old remains in or near the village, and no large ponds or other marks of an old city. Its buildings may have been used by the Portuguese in fortifying Bassein, but it is unlikely, if Puri was a place of consequence, that all trace of its former importance should have disappeared. In favour of Gharapuri or Santapuri, that is Elephanta, are the remains of the brick foundations and brick wells which have been found along its north and north-east shores. There is also in the Gujarat history the Kumarpal Charitra, the description of the Silahara capital as the sea-girt Shatanandpuri, a name which is unknown in the North Konkan but which may be a form of Santapuri. Another reference to the ' lords of the islands' helping the Lat or south Gujarat chief Barap (see Part I. p. 436), seems to belong to the Silaharas and favours the view that their capital was on an island. [Elephanta has been proposed by Mr. Wathen (Jour. R. A. S. [0. S.] II. 384; compare Ind. Ant. V. 277). Details of the remains at Elephanta are given above, pp. 60,61, 90-92, 94,95. Do Couto gives 'Santapori' as a name of Elephanta. See above p. 87 note. The two copper-plates found in 1865 at the Moreh landing-place are unfortunately missing. See above, p. 80 note 1.]


Sa'ndor, three miles north of Bassein, has an inscribed stone 3' 4" long by 2' 5" broad and 1' 3" thick. The stone lay in a pond under two feet of water, and the letters are therefore well preserved. The inscription is entire in twenty-two lines, the last two being half lines. The letters are old Marathi. The inscription is important. It is dated Hijra 966 (A.D. 1558), and has in the third line ' in the prosperous reign of Nayak Laro (?) the lord of the western ocean'. The rest is not clear. Half a mile south of the pond in which this stone was found is another small pond called Relbav, where was a slab of white trap 4'4" long by 1' 1" broad and 8" thick. [This stone is now in the Museum of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.] On the top is a water pot, kalash, with the sun to its right and the moon to its left. Then follows the inscription in twenty lines, the last four lines rubbed out and re-carved on the rubbed surface. The king's name, Jetugi, occurs in the fifth line. He is called the Grandfather of Kings, rayapitamaha and Konkan universal monarch Konkana chakravarti, titles which show that he was a Silahara. The date is Wednesday the fifteenth of the dark half of Magh, Shak 1177 (A.D.1255). His ministers are Shri Udayiprabhu, Mayinayak, Dadaprabhu, and Jasaminayak. The donee is the astrologer Kheidev to whom a grant is recorded of a garden in the part called Nivayi within the limits of Sandor village. The last four lines are hard to make out. A high road, rajpath, is mentioned, and something more is said about the astrologer Kheidev. Mention is also made of a head-quarter station Nagapur, probably the modern Nagaon port two miles east of Bassein fort. It seems probable that this port, not the Kolaba Nagaon or Nagothna, is the Nagapur mentioned in the Anantdev inscription. [Ind. Ant. IX. 38,44.] About ten yards from this stone lies a broken Nandi (2' 10" x 1' 6" x 1'5") with bells and ornaments. About ninety yards from the Nandi is an inscribed stone 3' 2" long by 1' 9" broad and 7" thick. The letters are entirely worn away. The ass-curse appears below.


The Relics.

The Begging Bowl.

Sopa'ra. A second examination of the relics showed that the ten thin fragments of earthenware are closely alike in colour thickness and texture. One of the two thick pieces is looser in grain and less uniform in colour than the ten thin pieces, but the difference is not more than is found between the thin well baked sides and the thicker less thoroughly burnt bottom or rim of the same earthen vessel. The piece of middle thickness is doubtful It is dark and rough on one side and has a layer of white on the other side. It looks like a fragment of burnt bone. But the microscope seems to show that it is earthenware, perhaps the remains of some slight ornamentation in finer clay than the rest of the bowl. It has been suggested that the relics are the remains of the begging bowl of some local Buddhist saint or preacher. [The Times of India, 13th May 1882.] But if the begging bowl had belonged to a local saint the whole bowl would have been preserved. The smallness of the fragments and the surrounding circle of Buddhas show that the Sopara relics were believed to be pieces of the alms-bowl of Gautama Buddha.

Relics of Buddha's bowl have a special interest from the resemblance between the legends which gather round Buddha's bowl and the legends which gather round the Graal, the holy bowl of western Europe. Sir Henry Yule speaks of Gautama's begging bowl as the Buddhist Graal. [Yule's Marco Polo, II. 264-266.] He notices the resemblance between the wanderings of Gautama's bowl and ' the phantom of the cup that came and went'; the cures worked by Gautama's bowl and the western belief that if a man could touch or see the Graal he was healed at once of all his ills; the power which both bowls possessed of nourishing their worshippers; and the belief common to the legends that the times would grow so evil that the holy cup would be caught to heaven and disappear. [On the day on which the Graal had been seen its guardians could not be wounded. (Baring Gould's Strange Myths, 13). The Kandahar bowl cured sickness (Le Messurier's Kandahar, 225). The Graal supported prisoners cut off from food; it supplied all kinds of meat (Baring Gould, 340-349). The Ceylon-China bowl made one man's share enough for five (Yule's Marco Polo, II. 264). When the Graal goes, Arthur's Table of Knights is dissolved (Coleridge's Introduction to Furnivall's Le Morte Arthur, xxlii.); when the bowl goes Buddhism fades. (Koeppen's Buddhism, I. 525).]

In the beginning of the fifth century the past and the future history of Gautama's bowl were told by an Indian. Buddhist to the Chinese pilgrim Fah Hian. The Indian's account was that Buddha's bowl was first at Vaishali the modern Besarh on the Ganges about twenty-seven miles north of Patna. In Fah Hian's time the bowl was on the borders of Gandhara in the Peshawar relic mound. [Fah Hian saw the Peshawar bowl. See below, p. 408.] In about a hundred years (500) it would go beyond the Oxus to the country of the western Yuetchi. After a hundred years with the Yuetchi it would pass (600) to Khoten east of Yarkand. The eighth century would find it at Koutche, [This prophecy was not fulfilled. The Peshawar bowl was taken to Persia about 600. See below, p. 408.] to the north of Khoten. In the ninth century it would be in China. It would pass the tenth century in Ceylon and the eleventh century in Mid-India. It would then go to the paradise of Maitreya or the coming Buddha in Tushita. Maitreya would say with a sigh, ' Gautama's bowl is come.' After seven days' worship it would go back to India, and a sea dragon  would take it to his palace and keep it till Maitreya was about to become Buddha. It would then divide into four and return to the four rulers of the Air from whom it originally came When Maitreya became Buddha the four kings of the Air would present him with the bowl. All future Buddhas would use it, and when the bowl disappeared, the law of Buddha would perish." [Beal'. Fah Hian, 161-163.]

According to the Christian story of the Graal, [The word Graal seems to come from Gradal a French word for a large deep dish used at the tables of the rich (Baring Gould's Strange Myths, 359). Its other name Sangrail (that is Sang-real or royal blood) probably arose from the Christian legend that the bowl was used to hold the blood of Christ.] when Lucifer revolted the archangel Michael cut off one of the jewels of his crown. The jewel fell on earth and was formed into a bowl which the queen of Sheba presented to Solomon. It passed in time to Joseph of Arimathea who offered it to Christ for the Last Supper. When Christ's side was pierced, Joseph caught the blood in the bowl. He guarded the sacred vessel for many years, and was carrying it to Europe when he died. The charge of the bowl was then entrusted to Titurel, who, according to one story, was the descendant of an Asiatic prince named Perillus, who had come from the east and married a French princess. A fort and temple were built in its honour and an order of knighthood was founded to guard it. The bowl produced all that could be desired and the sight of it ensured eternal youth. Titurel lived for four hundred years. His successors proved unworthy of their charge; the order of knighthood was dissolved and the castle was ruined. The bowl began to flit from place to place. It appeared at Camelot before Arthur's court, and when it withdrew the knights vowed to go in search of it. It was seen by Sir Bors and Lancelot, but they were unworthy to touch it. [A short account of the quest of the Graal is given in Hartley Coleridge's Introduction to Furnivall's Le. Morte Arthur, Compare Baring Gould's Strange Myths, 339, 341.] According to the English version the only knight who was brave enough and pure enough to touch the bowl was Galahad, and he lived in charge of it as ruler of the mystic city of Sarras, till at last with the bowl his spirit rose to heaven. According to the German version the successful knight was Percival, who went with the bowl to India to the court of Prester John. [Prester Join's court is Central Asia. This suggests some inkling of the holy Buddhist bow is at Kandahar, Balkh. and Ladak. See below, p. 408, 409.] Some of the details of this legend, as German scholars have supposed, may have been brought from the east through Spain into France, and to some extent the whole story runs parallel with the stories of Buddha's bowl. At the same time the resemblance seems to be only in the surface ornament. Arthur's Percival turns out to be the Christian counterpart of an earlier Celtic Peredur, that is the bowl-keeper, and the Graal has been traced through the story of Bran the Blessed, to a time when it figured in Druid worship as a dish on which human sacrifices were offered. According to the German scholar Sepp the myth of the Graal has its root in the legends of the oldest tribes of Europe. [Compare Baring Gould, 338. The Grsal is a genuine. Celtic myth with its roots in the mysteries of Druidian. This account is taken from Baring Gould's Strange Myths of the Middle Ages,354, 361; from H. Coleridge's Introduction to Furnivall's Le Morte Arthur; and from the article Graal in the Ratisbone Allgemeine Realencyklopedic, 1869.]

The following is a summary of the story of Gautama's relics, of the history of the chief bowls which have been worshipped as Gautama's alms-bowl, and of the grounds for holding that the Sopara relics have a better claim than any other relics to represent the true alms bowl. The story of the disposal of Gautama's relics is simple and natural, and differs little in the Buddist books of the north and in the Buddhist books of the south. The story must therefore be old and is probably based on fact. [The Chinese pilgrim Hiwen Thsang saw a pillar at Kushinagar, where the story of the distribution of Gautama's relics was engraved, Julien's Hiwen Thsang, II. 346. This pillar was probably as old as the time of Ashok, perhaps one of Ashok s pillars.] When Gautama, feeling that death was near, wished to be alone, he found it hard to persuade his loving followers the Litchhava or Lichhavi princes of Vaishali to stay behind. [Vaishali is the modern Besarh twenty-seven miles north of Patna.] Touched by their love he left them his alms-bowl. [Beal's Fah Hian, 95. According to Beal this story was engraved on a pillar near Vaishali. Klaproth's translation is different and meaningless. Foe Koue Ki, 235.] After Gautama's death, near the city of Kushinagar or Kasia,[Kasia is thirty-five miles east of Gorakhpur. Cunningham's Arch. Sur. Rep. I. 76.] a splendid pyre was built, and when the pyre was consumed the sweet pearl-like ashes were gathered and guarded by the rulers of the city. Seven neighbouring kings disputed the right of the people of Kushinagar to keep the relics. [The seven kings were, king Ajasat of Rajagriha, the Shakyas of Kapila, the Lichhavis of Vaishali, the Balayas of Allakappa, the Kausalas of Ramagrama, the Brahmans of Wetthadipa, and the Malliyans of Pava. Hardy's Manual of Buddhism (2nd Ed.), 364; Bhilsa Topes, 291.] They gathered armies and surrounded the city. The rulers of Kushinagar refused to part with their treasure. A battle was imminent when a Brahman quieted the rival kings, dwelt on the disgrace of shedding blood over the ashes of the gentle Gautama, moved them to religious enthusiasm, and, while they bent in worship before the relic casket, slipped into his turban the right tooth the most valuable of the remains, and divided the ashes into eight equal shares. The kings carried away their shares, and each in his capital built a mound over the ashes. [The story is told from the northern books in Julien's Hiwen Thsang, II. 346-348 and III. 31; from Ceylon sources in Hardy's Manual of Buddhism (2nd Ed.), 362-365; from Chinese sources in Beal's Fah Hian, 90, 108; from a Chinese Ceylon book of the seventh century in As. Res. XX. 196-198; and, from Thibet sources by Csoma de Koros in As. Res. XX. 91. A ninth mound was built by the Brahman who divided the relics over the gold vessel in which the ashes were measured. Hardy's Manual (2nd Ed.), 365; Burnouf's Introduction A l'Histoire du Buddhisme Indien, I. 372. A tenth mound was built by Brahmans who got no share and went to the burning place and scraped together some ashes and earth. Beal's Fah Hian, 93. Foe Koue Ki, 255; Julien's Hiwen Thsang, II. 332. Compare Koeppen's Buddhism, I. 116. Csoma in As. Res. XX. 316,317. Cunningham (Bhilsa Topes, 30) gives the following identification of the ten relic mounds: Rajagriha, capital of Magadha by Ajatasatta; Vaishali or Besarh north of Patna by the Lichhavis; Kapilvastu between Oudh and Gorakhpur by the Shakyas; Ramagrama near Gorakhpur by the Kausalas; Wetthadipo or Bettiya by the Brahmans; Pava west of Besarh by the Malliyans; and Kushinara or Kasia between Benares and Besarh by the Malliyans. A ninth was raised over the charcoal at Peppholivano between Kapilvastu and Kushinara by the Moriyans, and a tenth by the Brahman mediator over the vessels in which he measured the relics.] According to one account within twenty years, through the influence of the Patriarch Mahakashyapa, all the relics except the Rajagrama share, were brought together by Ajatasatta king of Magadha and a great mound was built to the south-east of Rajagriha. [Cunningham's Bhilsa Topes, 30. Mrs. Summers' Histoire de Bouddha, 176. Other legends do not mention the collecting of the relics by king Ajatasatta. See Koeppen's Buddhism, I. 117.] After about two hundred years, the emperor Ashok, in his zeal for the Buddhist faith, overran the lands of the eight kings, opened seven of the mounds, and took the relics. [Ashok spared one of the mounds which he found guarded by Nagas or Dragons. Beal's Fah Hian, 90; Remusat's Foe Koue Ki, 227. According to Hardy (Manual, 366) the relic mounds were built at Rajagriha, Kapila, Wisala, Allakappa, Ramagram, Wetthadipa, Pava, and Kushinara. Other accounts of the relic mounds built by Ashok are given in J. R. As. XX. 198; in Koeppen's Buddhism, I. 516; from Thibet sources by Csoma in As. Res. XX. 317; and from Nepal sources in Mitra's Indo-Aryans, II. 413. According to the Burmese books Ashok knocked down the mounds at Besarh (Wethali), Kapilvastu, Allakappa, Pava, and Koutteinaron, and found nothing. He spared the Naga-guarded mound in the village of Rama. He rebuilt the mounds he found empty, and, when nearly in despair, was shown the place where the relics had been hid by Kashyapa in Radzagio (Rajagriha) and found the ruby which showed that he had been fated to open the mound. Bigandet's Life of Gaudama, 378.]

Every town in India, whose wealth was more than 100,000,[A Koti of Suvarnas, a hundred thousand gold pieces. Julien's Hiwen Thsang, III. 12. The number is indefinite.] was asked to build a relic mound. They were offered a share of Gautama's relics, and were promised that the merit of the work should belong to the city and not to the sovereign. The cities agreed and while '84,000' mounds were building, Ashok, with the aid of spirits, [Yakkas, according to Burnouf (Int. I. 373); spirits and demons according to Hiwen Thsang (Julien, 418).] divided the relics into 84,000 parcels, and, for each parcel, set apart a vase with a fillet-bound lid, and four caskets of gold, of silver, of crystal, and of lapis lazuli or of glass. [Beal in his Fah Hian translates this word by glass. Eighty-four is a sacred number with Buddhists and Jains. Compare Beal's Fah Hian, 108. The number is seven into twelve, perhaps the seven planets and the twelve signs of the Zodiac. Bhilsa Topes, 99; 84 pecks of relics, J. R. A. S. XX. 198; 84,000 wives of a Bodhisattva. Jour. As. (VII. Series), III. 406-412.] A set of caskets and a vase were sent to each town where a mound was building, and the people were warned to be ready so that on a day not far off, when the sun would be darkened, all the relics might be laid in their places at the same instant over the whole of India. [Burnouf's Introduction, I. 360-373. Julien's Hiwen Thsang, II.418-420. According to Hiwen Thsang the share of relics in one of the mounds was 53 centilitres, that is about one pint. Ditto 418.]

It is not stated that fragments of Gautama's bowl formed part of the relics distributed by Ashok. The reason of this may be, that after Ashok's time a mystic meaning attached to Gautama's bowl. The bowl came to be viewed as the symbol of the office of Buddha. The belief got abroad that the bowl had been handed from Buddha to Buddha till it came to Gautama, and that, when Maitreya the coming Buddha should appear, Gautama would pass the bowl to him in token that he received him as his successor. The life of Buddha, as written in the Buddhist holy books, is so overgrown by sun-poems that it is not easy to reach the basis of historic fact which the sun legends overlie. Still, in spite of the overgrowth of sun allegory, there seems no reason to doubt that Gautama was a real man, that he lived as an ascetic and teacher, that he gathered followers, that he spent most of his life in Behar, and that he died not far from the town of Kasia. One detail of his death, whose probableness and simplicity help to make it trustworthy, is the gift of his alms-bowl to the Lichhavis of Vaishali. [M. Senart has detected a sun fragment in an incident whose historic value was, according to Hiwen Thsang, borne out by an inscription of Ashok. But the incident, Buddha's return by a ladder from a visit to his mother in heaven, is evidently marvellous and allegoric. Journal Asiatique, III, 324.] Of what this alms-bowl was made is not stated. But from the strictness of the rule which was introduced among Buddhist monks in very early times, there seems no reason to doubt that it was either of clay or of iron. [Authorities agree that the Buddhist monk's begging bowl was either of clay or of iron. Beal's Fah Hian, 36; Remusat's Foe Koue Ki, 82; Hardy's Eastern Mona-chism, 70; Cunningham's Bhilsa Topes, I. 69; Koeppen's Buddhism, I. 343. They differ as to its shape. Cunningham (Bhilsa Topes, 70) thinks it had an upper part and a short neck. Arnold (Light of Asia, 196) describes it as shaped melon-wise, and Koeppen (I. 343) says, 'It was large, round, and pot-bellied like a tea-pot; the shape perhaps copied from a skull.' The question of the form of the Buddhist begging bowl is noticed in detail in the account of the Kanheri Caves above, p. 144.]

In addition to the clay or iron bowl, which Gautama used during his life and at his death left with the Lichhavis, two sets of mystic or allegoric bowls are connected with passages in the life of Buddha. Of these mystic bowls one set is of gold and the other set is of stone. Gold bowls are twice mentioned in connection with Gautama. Brahma received the infant Gautama at the time of his miraculous birth into a golden bowl and bore him in the bowl to Indra or the sky. [As. Res. III. 383. Senart in Journal Asiatique, III. 391.] Again in the marvel-laden passage where Gautama overcomes the evil Mara, and becomes Buddha, the lady Sujata brings him the milk of a thousand cows in a golden bowl. [Senart in Jour. As. III. 319.] When Gautama finishes the milk he takes the golden bowl and to test his supernatural power throws it on the water. The bowl floats up the river, till it strikes against the three other golden bowls which the three former Buddhas had thrown into the river when it is drawn down by the Naga king the lord of the water. [Senart in Jour. As. III. 319; Alabaster's Wheel of the Law, 145, 146; Koeppen's Buddhism, I. 526. According to one account Indra rescued the bowl from the Naga king.]

The stone set of mystic bowls was given to Gautama by the four rulers of the Air. When Buddha had overcome Mara, two merchants who were passing were warned by the spirit of the wood that Buddha was in the forest faint for food. The merchants brought him parched grain and honey, and Gautama would have taken their offering, but he had no bowl. At once the four Powers of the Air, each from his quarter of heaven, came bearing a golden bowl. Gautama would not use gold: they brought him silver; silver also was too costly, and they brought him stone. That no envy might stir their hearts Gautama took the four stone bowls, laid one inside of the other, and ate the parched grain and honey. [The story is told in Julien's Hiwen Thsang, II. 482; Remusat's Foe Koue Ki, 291; Seal's Fah Hian, 125; and Hardy's Manual of Buddhism (2nd Ed.), 187.]

Of these two sets of mystic bowls the gold bowls seem to be parts of the sun-poem with which the chief events in the life of Gautama are overlaid. According to Senart, the golden bowl in which Brahma laid the infant Gautama is the sun, the golden bowl of the Atharva Ved. [Jour. As. III. 391, 392. He notices other references to mystic bowls in the account of Gautama's infancy, and compares the worship of Krishna under the form of a golden bowl.] The golden bowl presented by the lady Sujata is also in Senart's opinion mystic and part of the sun imagery. The golden bowl is the sun, the river into which Gautama throws the bowl is the water of the firmament, and Sujata's offering of milk typifies the sacrifices which enable the sun to run his daily course. [Jour. As. III. 391, 392.] According to Senart the four mystic stone bowls received from the four kings of the Air are a variation of the sun-poem and like Sujata's golden bowl represent the sun. [In support of this he notices that, according to one account, the bowls given by Air kings were thrown into the air by Gautama and carried to Brahma's heaven. Do.] But the fact, that from very early times stone bowls have been shown and worshipped as the bowls received by Gautama from the Air kings, makes it probable that after Gautama's death begging bowls were manufactured of stone, and a story had to be invented to explain their number, and why they were made of stone and not of clay.

During the last two thousand years five chief bowls have been worshipped as Gautama's Begging Bowl; the Ceylon bowl, the Peshawar bowl, the China bowl, the Kandahar bowl, and the Ladak bowl. All of these, except the Ladak bowl, have been of stone and have claimed to represent the stone bowls received by Gautama from the four kings of the Air. According to Ceylon accounts a stone bowl and numerous relics were sent by Ashok to the king of Ceylon. [Turnour's Mahawanso, 105. The fact that this bowl was of stone is noticed at page 248 of the Mahawanso.] In the first century before Christ [Turnour's Mahawanso, 204.] this bowl was carried to India by a Tamil invader, and was not recovered for about four hundred years. [Turnour's Mahawanso, 248.] Fah Hian makes no mention of the Ceylon bowl. [See Beal, 348, 358; Fah Hian had seen a bowl at Peshawar.] If it was not in Ceylon in the fifth century the bowl came back at some later date, as, towards the end of the thirteenth century, it was sent from Ceylon to China at the request of the great Moghal Emperor Kublai Khan. [Yule's Marco Polo, II. 259.] Marco Polo (1290) describes this bowl as of very beautiful green porphyry, and a Chinese writer of the fourteenth century (1350) states that the bowl received from Ceylon was the bowl presented by the four heavenly kings. It was neither of jade, copper, nor iron: it was purple and glossy, and when struck it rang like glass. [Yule's Marco Polo, II. 264.] Since the thirteenth century the bowl has either been brought back from China or a new bowl has been made, as a begging bowl is shown in the Malegaon monastery in Kandy. [Koeppen's Buddhism, I. 525; Ceylon has also Gautama's drinking vessel and betel box. Ditto 526.]

Apparently in the first century before Christ the famous Skythian Emperor Kanarki or Kanishka, the ruler of Afghanistan and north-west India and the great reviver of Buddhism, obtained a bowl of Gautama's, and, at Peshawar, built for it a relic mound 470 feet high and 580 yards round. [Beal's Fah Hian, 35; Julien's Hiwen Thsang, II. 107. This is perhaps the great Manikyala stupa which was opened by General Ventura in 1830. Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, 31-36.] Early in the fifth century (410) this bowl was seen at Peshawar by the Chinese pilgrim Fah Hian. It was of blue black stone, able to hold one and one-eighth gallons, two inches thick, and made in four quarters. It was taken out every day and worshipped. [Beal's Fah Hian, 38; Remusat's Foe Koue Ki, 77-83. The translations differ in details. Remusat makes the capacity of the bowl moderate about twenty pounds, while Beal makes it too big for a genuine bowl. The four quarters or seams in the bowl appear to have arisen from a mistaken idea of the legend of the four heavenly bowls. The text does not state that the Peshawar bowl was of stone. But see Beal's note 2 page 38. Compare Koeppen's Buddhism, I. 526.] In the following century, probably in one of the Naushirvan's (540-604) successful raids into northern India, this bowl was taken to Persia, and when Hiwen Thsang was in India (640) it was still in the palace of the Persian king. [Julien's Hiwen Thsang, II. 106 and III. 179. Though he did not visit Persia, Hiwen Thsang passed along its north-east frontier. His information about Persia in other respects seems trustworthy. Koeppen (I. 526) thinks the bowl was probably carried away by Khosroes II. (591-628), who got a vase full of pearls. General Cunningham (Ancient Geography of India, 17 note 2) identifies this Persian bowl with the Kandahar bowl. He explains Hiwen Thsang's statement by the fact that in his time Kandahar belonged to Persia. The great difference of size (1⅛ gals, and 93 gals.) is against this identification.]

According to a doubtful story, the Chinese bowl came to China in the fifth or sixth century after Christ, in charge of Bodhidharma the last great Buddhist apostle from India to China. [Remusat's Foe Koue Ki, 83; Koeppen's Buddhism, I. 526. According to Beal (Fah Hian, xxx.), Bodhidharma, better known as the wall-gazing Brahman, did not reach China till 526. Beal says nothing of this bowl.]

The Kandahar bowl has long been a famous object of worship. It is still to be seen in a thick clump of ash and mulberry trees to the east of old Kandahar. It is much respected by the local Musalmans, who say that it was brought by His Highness Ali, and call it Kash-guli Ali or Ali's pot. It was noticed in 1845 by Ferrier, [Ferrier's Caravan Journeys, 318 note.] who describes it as one of the most famous relics of antiquity, neither more nor less than the water-pot of Fo or Buddha. It was, he says, carried to Kandahar by the tribes, who, in the fourth century, fled from Gandhar on the Indus to escape an invasion of the Yuetchi who made an irruption from Chinese Tartary for the purpose of obtaining the pot. [Ferrier does not give his authority, and the account does not agree with Fah Hian or Hiwen Thsang.] It was of stone and might hold twenty gallons. It was sacred and worked miracles. The Kandahar bowl has lately (1878 -1880) been seen and described by Dr. Bellew and Major Le Messurier.[Dr. Bellew's Indus to the Tigris, 143; Major LeMessurier's Kandahar in 1879, 223, 225.] According to these writers the bowl is of hard compact black porphyry which rings when struck. It is round, about four feet wide and two deep, with sides about four inches thick. The lip has twenty-four facets each about seven inches wide. From the bottom of the bowl scrolls radiate to near the rim, where, on the inside, is a Persian inscription and on the outside are four lines in Arabic characters. The capacity of the bowl is given at ninety-three gallons and the weight at about three-quarters of a ton. [Major LeMessurier's detailed measurements (outer diameter 4' 2", inner diameter 3' 7", inside depth 2' 3") so closely correspond with General Cunningham's measurements (4' in diameter and 2 deep) of a stone bowl at Bhilsa, as to suggest that like the Bhilsa bowl the Kandahar bowl may originally have been a tree pot. See Bhilsa Topes, 180.] The trunk of the tree under which the bowl stands is studded with hundreds of iron nails and twigs representing cures for the tooth-ache.

The Ladak bowl is described by Cunningham[ Ladak, 3.] as a large earthenware vase similar in shape to the two largest stone vases found in the Bhilsa mounds. Cunningham supposed it to be the same as the spitoon of Buddha which Fah Hian (410) saw at Kartchon west of Yarkand, and which he describes as of the same colour as the Peshawar alms-bowl. [Beal's Fah Hian, 16. As quoted by Koeppen (Buddhism, I. 526) the descriptions of the Kartchon and Ladak bowls do not agree.]

The smallness of the fragments and the fact that they are of clay, not of stone, give the Sopara relics a higher claim to represent Gautama's alms-bowl, than these heaven-born wonder-working bowls which have remained unharmed by time and change. [To the instances of the wonder-working power of Buddha's bowls, which have been given above, the following may be added: A king of the Yuetchi determined to carry off the Peshawar bowl. He set it on an elephant, but the elephant fell under its weight. He built a car and harnessed in it eight elephants, but the car stood fast. The bowl's time for moving had not come, so the king worshipped it and founded a monastery. Beal's Fah Hian, 38. Out of the Chinese bowl food for one satisfied five, Yule's Marco Polo, II. 264; the Ceylon bowl brought rain, Turnour's Mahawanso, 248; the Kandahar bowl cures sickness, LeMessurier, 225.] That, in the second century after Christ, they were believed to be pieces of the true bowl seems beyond doubt.

The date is fixed by the coin of Gotamiputra II. (A.D. 160), and, as has been noticed, the circle of Buddhas which surrounds the relic casket means that they are gathered round the mystic bowl which is to be passed from Gautama to Maitreya.

The special honour shown to Maitreya the Coming Buddha in the Sopara stupa suggests that Purna, the son of Maitrayani, the glory of Sopara and the apostle of Buddhism in the Konkan may be, or may locally have been claimed to be, Maitreya or the Coming Buddha. [Burnouf's Introduction, 235-274.] Maitreya is not an admissible form of Maitrayaniputra, or son of Maitrayani; but the similarity of the names favours the suggestion that Purna was locally believed to be the Coming Buddha. This belief finds support from the details of Purna's life preserved in M. Burnouf's Introduction to Buddhism. This story of his life shows that Purna, the son of Maitrayani, rose to the highest rank. He became a Bodhisattva or potential Buddha, and is one of the first of Gautama's followers who will hold the office of Buddha.[Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi, 122, 123.] The high honour in which he was held is shown by the fact that Hiwen Thsang found a stupa of Purnamaitrayani at Mathura, which was said to have been built by Ashok. [Julien's Memoirs, I. 208.] At the same time there are several difficulties in the way of the suggestion that the honour done to Maitreya in the Sopara stupa is connected with a desire to show respect to Purna. Purna's title as Buddha is Dharmaprabhasa, [Le Lotus, 123.] not Maitreya. It is stated [Burnouf's Introduction, 55, 102.] that the former name of Maitreya was Ajita, or the Unconquered, and that he was a Brahman, not like Purna the son of a merchant. Further in the introduction to the Lotus of the Good Law, [Le Lotus, 1,2.] among the beings who are gathered to hear Gautama teaching, Purnamaitrayaniputra appears as an Arhat and Maitreya as a Bodhisattva Mahasattva.

Since the above was written, Dr. Burgess has stated that Maitreya is often confounded with Dharmaprabhasa. [Ind. Ant. XI. 236.] Dr. Burgess does not give the authority for this statement. If it is correct it greatly increases the probability that the prominent position given to Maitreya among the images that surround the relics was due to the belief that Purna, the apostle of Sopara, was to be the Coming Buddha.

The fame of Sopara, and the fact that Ashok engraved a set of his edicts near the town, make it probable that Ashok presented the city with a set of caskets and that a mound was built. The form of the present mound, so far as it can be ascertained, seems to show that it belongs to the time of Gotamiputra II., and no other mound has been found in Sopara. But the position of the stone casket inside of the more precious silver casket suggests that it may have belonged to an earlier set of relics.

It seems probable that, like other relics the fragments of the bowl were at first from time to time taken out and worshipped. [For detailed accounts of the worship of relics see Fah Hian (Beal, 41,155), and Hiwen Thsang (Julien, II. 488).] But that by Gotamiputra's time the belief in the symbolic meaning of the bowl had gained such strength, that it was felt that the remains of the bowl should be left untouched till the new Buddha came to claim them. [The style of the head-dress and ornaments of the chief figure in the circle of Buddhas have been held by Pandit Bhagvanlal to belong to the seventh century, and therefore to show that the mound was opened and the circle of images added at that time. The age of styles of dress and ornament must be left to the decision of experts. At the same time it may be urged that the limits of time assigned to old fashions in dress are in many cases provisional. Except when based on separate historical evidence, the calculation of the limits of a fashion is founded on available materials and is liable to be changed by fresh discoveries. Apart from the question of the age of the style of dress and ornament the evidence of the Sopara relics goes to show that all are at least as early as A.D. 160. This, as far as the form can still be ascertained, is the probable date of the mound, and the position of the relic coffer in the centre of the mound, and the absence of any sign of opening or passage from the surface to the centre, make it improbable that the relics were ever taken out after the mound was built. The size of the stone coffer shows that it was made to suit the copper casket and the circle of gods. Its position inside of the silver casket and its shape make it possible that the stone casket belongs to an older set of relics. The rest seem to be of the same time and that time seems to be fixed by the date of the coin. It is unlikely that any one should have opened the mound and added the circle of Buddhas without leaving inside any trace of when or by whom the additions were made.]

The Glaze.

The following additions to the details given in the text are taken from Pandit Bhagvanlal's paper in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. On the outer surface of the coffer is a dark layer like the glaze with which the old Jain and Brahmanic images called lepya pratimas or varnished images, are darkened and smoothed. The old broken image of the Jain saint Neminath in Girnar is varnished in this way, and in the Brahmanic temple of Bet, near Dwarka, the coating of the old image of Ranchhodji sometimes falls in flakes, which, under the name of Karal chandan, are given to pilgrims as an object of worship. This coating is never used for modern images, but the Jains still apply it to old images. It is made from the following seven materials. The resin of the sal or Shorea robusta, sandalwood charcoal, powdered oxide of iron or sulphate of iron in small quantities, fine myrobalan powder in small quantities, antimony, lamp black, and clarified butter in small quantities. These ingredients are powdered for several days on a block of stone by an iron hammer. A thin coating of this powder is first laid on, and the image is smoothed by a trowel, which has been rubbed with powdered silicate of magnesia or oxide of tin to prevent it from sticking. Further layers are added till the coating is thick enough to form a smooth black surface. The coffer when new must have been of a bright shining black colour.

The Powder.

The casket and the images were sprinkled with a powder which formed a layer about an inch deep on the bottom of the coffer and lay on the images in a thick crust of verdigris. This powder looks much like the mixture of aloe powder agarachurna, sandal powder chandanachurna, saffron powder kesarachurna, and cassia powder tamalapatrachurna, which the Nepalese Buddhist books frequently mention as thrown on Buddha by the gods. There are distinct traces of sandal and aloe; the saffron may have lost its yellow colour and so cannot be made out; and apparently no cassia powder was used. This powder, which is called Gandhadravya, Vasachurna, or Vasakshepa, is still used by Brahmans and Jains. Its Brahmanical name is Abir. It is white in colour, and is mostly used in worship and for throwing about during the Holi holidays. Another almond-coloured scented powder is called padi in Gujarati and ghisi in Hindi. It is laid in small cloth bags or paper covers to scent robes and rich clothes. The Deccan abir, or bukka, which is black in colour, is used in worship and at religious meetings, such as Bhajans, Kirtans, and Hardas Kathas, when it is applied to the foreheads of visitors. [White Abir is made from the following ingredients: The root of the Andre-pogon muricatus valo, the tuber of the Hedychium spicatum kapurakackali, the wood of the Santalum album chandan, and: arrowroot or the flour of cleaned Sorghum vulgare. Besides from valo, kapurakachali, and chandan, the Gujarat almond coloured powder called Padi or Ghisi is prepared from the seeds of the Cerasus mahaleb ghaunla, the leaves and stem of the Artemisia indica davno, the wood of the Pinus deodora devadar, the tuber of the Curcuma zerumbet kachuro, the dried flower bud of the Caryophyllus aromaticus laving, and the fruit of the Elettaria eardamomum elchi. The Deccan variety of Abir is made of the four following ingredients in addition to those used in preparing padi: the wood of the Aloexylum agallochum agara, the root of the Auchlandia costus kuth, the root of the Nardustachys jatamansi jatamasi, the half liquid balsam of the Liquidamber orientale selarasa, and charcoal.] The powder which the Jains make is of a pale yellow. It is used for worship, for sprinkling on newly consecrated images, and on disciples when first admitted to holy orders. [The Jain scented powder Vasakhepa, properly, Vasakshepa, is made of sandalwood, saffron, musk, and Dryobalanops aromatica bhimseni baras. The last two ingredients are taken in very small quantities, mixed with saffron and water, ground on a stone slab by a large piece of sandalwood, and rolled into a ball. The balls are dried, powdered, and kept in silk bags specially made for holding them.]

Ajanta Buddhas.

With the eight Sopara Buddhas the row of eight Buddhas in a fifth-century painting above the doorway of Ajanta Cave XVII, forms an interesting comparison. The eight Ajanta Buddhas are of one size, about twelve inches high, in panels eighteen inches by twelve. All are seated cross-legged on cushions, and all have cushions behind their backs. Except Maitreya, whose long tresses hang to his shoulders, all have close cropped curly or woolly hair rising to a knob on the crown. All wear the ascetic's robe. In some of the figures the robe is drawn over the left shoulder, leaving the right shoulder bare; in others it covers both shoulders and is fastened round the neck like a coat. Round the head of each is a nimbus, and each sits under his Bodhi tree. The eight figures form two sets of four. The four on the right vary in hue from wheat colour to umber brown; the four on the left are black, perhaps because the colour has faded, The black Buddhas have also a white brow-mark which the others have not. The flower scroll and a belt of small figures under the four right hand Buddhas also differ from the flower scroll and the figures under the four left hand Buddhas. The figure most to the right is Maitreya, the Coming Buddha. He is painted in the act of passing from being a Bodhisattva to be a Buddha. His skin is wheat-coloured, and his hair falls in long tresses on his shoulders. He is dressed as an ascetic in a brick-coloured robe drawn over the left shoulder, leaving the right shoulder bare. He wears the ornaments of a Bodhisattva, a rich tiara, earrings, a necklace, armlets, and anklets. He sits in the Varamudra or Giving Position, his right hand over or resting on his right thigh, with open upturned palm, his left hand, also with upturned palm, rests on his lap over his folded feet. He is seated under a long-leaved tree which is difficult to identify. On Maitreya's right is Shakyamuni or Gautama, wheat-coloured, in a salmon robe, which covers both shoulders to the neck like a coat. His hands are in the Dharma-chakramudra or Teaching Position, both raised to the chest, the tip of the left little finger caught between the points of the right thumb and first finger. Over his head hangs a bunch of pipal, Ficus religiosa, leaves representing the tree under which he is sitting. On Gautama's right is Kashyapa, dusky yellow in hue, with a dark grey robe covering both shoulders like a coat. His hands are in the Dhyanmudra or Meditating Position, both laid in the lap, with upturned palms, the right hand above. His tree is an udambar, Ficus glomerata, with faded fruit. On Kashyapa's right is Kanaka, umber brown, with a white robe drawn over the left shoulder, leaving the right shoulder bare. His hands are in the Abhayamudra or Blessing Position, the right hand raised to the right shoulder, the palm open and held slightly forward: the left hand in the lap open and with upturned palm. His tree looks like a banyan, but it has no air-roots, and may be a pakhadi or pipri, Ficus infectoria. On Kanaka's right is Krakuchchhanda, who, like Kashyapa (No. 3), is in the Meditating Position. He is black with a white robe which rises to the neck, covering both shoulders. His tree is the patali, Bignonia suaveolens, On Krakuchchhanda's right is Vishvabhu, black in hue, with a white robe drawn over his left shoulder. He sits like Kanaka (No. 4) in the Blessing Position. Over his head is a bunch of long deep green leaves, perhaps of the ashok, Jonesia asoka, but they are difficult to identify. On Vishvabhu's right is a damaged figure of Shikhi, black, with a light-coloured robe that fastens round the neck, covering both shoulders. Like Kashyapa (No. 3) and Krakuchchhanda (No. 5) his hands are in the Meditating Position. His tree has disappeared. On Shikhi's right is Vipashyi, black, with a white robe drawn across the left shoulder. Like Shakyamuni (No. 2) his hands are in the Teaching' Position. Above his head hangs a bunch of sal leaves, Shorea robusta, representing a portion of the tree under which he is sitting.

The Seven Envelopes.

In connection with the Sopara relics two points call for explanation. Why were these articles placed in the stupa ? What guided the builders of the stupa in the choice of the articles and of the materials of which the articles were made? First as to the number and the materials of the caskets. The idea of the builders of the stupa seems to have been to enclose the relics in seven envelopes, each more valuable than the one outside of it. Thus, there is the clay and brick of the mound, the stone of the coffer, and the material of the five caskets, copper, silver, stone, crystal and gold, each more valuable than the covering in which it is enclosed. The stone casket seems to break the rule, and it is difficult to suggest an explanation. It seems to be plain sandstone, but it may stand for marble or for some other precious material. [Another explanation has been suggested at p. 410.]

The Gold Flowers.

Again, what is the meaning of the gold flowers which were found in all the caskets, except in the stone casket? In India the throwing of flowers is a sign of welcome and worship. When Buddhas or Tirthankars gained perfect knowledge, when some great personage is born or dies, on the field of victory, or when a king enters his capital in triumph, gods and men cover them with flowers. The custom is referred to in the Mahabharat and the Ramayan, and in Buddhist and Jain sacred books. Another and a very early form of the practice was to mix gold flowers with real flowers, or to use nothing but gold flowers, for gold is the richest and most meritorious of offerings. While the images of the gods are carried in procession, or while the wealthy or saintly dead are borne to the burning ground, it is still the practice to scatter gold flowers mixed with real flowers, and to leave the gold flowers to be picked by the poor. Again on festive, religious, and other great occasions, when a ruler seated on an elephant passes in state through his capital, persons sit behind him and throw over his head gold or silver flowers to be scrambled for by the people. So also when a vow has been made to present a god with a particular kind of flower for a certain number of days, on the last day of the vow, instead of real flowers, flowers of gold are presented, as gold is the richest of offerings. The flowers in the Sopara caskets were placed there as offerings to the relics. How did it come that flowers were laid in all the caskets except in the stone casket? The ceremonial observed in laying the relics in their place seems to have been this. Flowers were dropped over the pieces of earthenware and the golden casket was closed; flowers were dropped over the golden casket and the crystal casket was closed. When the crystal casket was closed flowers were strewn over it, but they had to be taken out as it was found that the stone casket fitted the crystal casket too tightly to leave room for flowers. Again, when the stone casket was closed flowers were dropped into the silver casket, and when the silver casket was laid in the copper casket gold flowers were again strewn. The number in the copper casket was specially large, as it included the flowers for which there was no room in the stone casket. In the copper casket, besides the gold flowers, there were the thirteen undrilled and thirty-one drilled stones, the sweet-scented powder, the gold image of Buddha, the inch or two of silver wire, and the patch of gold leaf and the coin. All of these were offerings to the fragments of earthenware. The seven kinds of undrilled stones represented an offering of seven jewels, [The correct seven jewels are the diamond or vajra, the ruby or manikya, the pearl or mukta, coral or prabal, lapis lazuli or vaidurya the agate or gomed, and the emerald or marakat. From what has been found in other stupas, great variety seems to have been allowed in the choice of the seven precious stones. See Cunningham's Bhilsa Topes, 298.] and the drilled-stones probably represented the offering of a necklace; the sweet-scented powder was an offering of incense; the silver wire and the gold leaf were offerings of metal; and the coin was an offering of money.

Brahma Hill Mounds.

Though only one or two pieces of pottery were found in the Brahma-hill mounds the discoveries at Nagpur and at Dharnikot, and the results of opening similar burial mounds and circles in Europe, make it probable that deeper digging may unearth remains at Brahma hill. [Of the opening of the Nagpur mounds details are given later on. The Amravati circles, in which ashes and burnt bones were found, were opened not in the centre but near the side opposite an opening in the circle of stones. Rude Stone Monuments, 243-257.' In Europe excavation has led to the discovery of remains under the circle of stones sometimes near the surface, sometimes deep down. Rude Stone Monuments, 264-266. In other cases deposits were found under or in front of detached stones at some distance from the circle. Rude Stone Monuments, 132-156.] The statement made in the text that the use of unhewn stones in burial monuments does not prove that the builders were ignorant of the use of tools, is supported by the case of the Khasias of Eastern Bengal, who, though skilful iron smelters and probably acquainted with iron tools for thousands of years, raise undressed blocks and pillars of stone in memory of the dead. [Rude Stone Monuments, 461, 482.]

The following information is offered in addition to the notes in the text on the Kods and on Indian rude stone tombs. According to Wilson's Glossary the Kods are a race of mountaineers inhabiting the hills west and north-west of Ganjam to the borders of Nagpur, and, according to the same authority, the Kols and the Gonds are the same as the Kods, Kollu and Kondru being Telugu forms of the plural of Kodu. [Glossary, 292. In connection with these tombs and with the apparent relation between the Kods and the Kols, it is worthy of notice that the Kols are remarkable for a pathetic reverence for the dead. Tylor's Primitive Culture, II. 32. Bishop Caldwell (Grammar, 2nd Ed., 37) notices that the Telugu name for the Konds or Gonds is Kod.] The limits assigned by Wilson to the Kodu country are interesting, as they belong to the same tract of country as Dharnikot or Amravati near the mouth of the Krishna and Junapani close to Nagpur, places where large numbers of funeral circles have been found. Dharnikot has the special interest of having formed part of the same kingdom as Sopara, soon after, if not at the time when the Brama-hill stones were inscribed. About four miles to the south-east of the town are hundreds of stone circles apparently the burying ground of the people of Dharnikot. The Dharnikot circles vary from twenty-four to thirty-two feet in diameter. Unlike the Brahma-hill stones, which are the bases of small mounds, the Amravati stones stand out from the ground. They have an opening at one side, and opposite the opening, near the other side of the ring, are two or three stones which seem to mark the sepulchral deposits. Dr. Fergusson thinks that some of these circles are of great age while others are not more than a century old. He formerly thought that the rail round the Amravati stupa was a development of the rude circle; he has since come to consider the circles rude copies of the rail. [Tree and Serpent Worship, 152; Rude Stone Monuments, 474, 475; J. R. A. S. III. 143. The two views do not seem inconsistent. The rude Kol circle may in a time of power and with foreign help have developed into the rail, and again when foreign help was withdrawn and power and wealth passed away, it may have fallen back to the original rough circle.] Of the use of the circles, there seems to be no doubt. All that were opened yielded funeral urns and burnt bones. [Tree and Serpent Worship, 151.]

At Junapani, about five miles west of Nagpur, the northern slope of a line of low basalt hills is covered by burial mounds. The mounds, which have weathered down to a height of three or four feet, vary from twenty to fifty-six feet in diameter, and each is surrounded by a circle of undressed basalt boulders. They seem to be much like the Brahma-hill circles only larger. Inside of the circle the earth is pressed into stiff clay difficult to pierce and mixed with large stones. About three feet below the surface broken pieces of red and black pottery were found, and, under the pottery, iron tools, an iron snaffle bit and apparently stirrups, and a whitish earth, probably the remains of bones. Mr. Rivett-Carnac, who opened the mounds, was satisfied from their condition that they were very old. [J. A. Soc. Beng. xlviii. 1-16.] But nothing was ascertained about the people by whom they were made.

Besides these stone circles and burial mounds at Nagpur and Dharnikot, which seem to be the work of the same Kods Kols or Konds who made the Sopara circles, rude burial mounds have been found in the south Deccan and in north-east and south-west Madras. These differ from the northern circles in having the remains enclosed in rudely built chambers. [See papers by Colonel Meadows Taylor and by Sir Walter Elliot, quoted in Rude Stone Monuments, 446-478, and in J. A. S. Beng. xlviii. 11. Of the distribution of these rude stone sepulchres, as far as at present recorded, Mr. Fergusson gives the following summary: They are not found north of the Vindhya range of hills. They occur somewhat sparsely in the Godavari and more commonly in the Krishna valleys. They are found in groups all over Madras, especially near Conjeveram and on both sides of the Sahyadris through Koimbator to Cape Comorin. Rude Stone Monuments, 475-476. Compare Caldwell's Dravidian Grammar, 2nd Edition, 593.] Sir Walter Elliot believes that the chief builders of the south Deccan and east Madras sepulchres were the Kurumbers (Kurumbas), who were powerful near Madras and Conjeveram from very early times to the eighth or ninth century, and of whom a wretched remnant remains in the Nilgiris and about the roots of the Sahyadri hills. [Rude Stone Monuments, 476,] Kodeh Kul, Mr. Babington's name for the mushroom-like chamber-tombs near Kalikat, suggests a connection with the Kods. But the resemblance is misleading if, as Mr. Babington states, the word Kodeh Kul is the Malayalam for an. umbrella stone. [Trans. Bom. Lit. Soc. III. 342 - 348.] What gives special interest to these rude sepulchres is their close resemblance to some of the burial mounds, and open air chamber tombs or dolmens of North Africa and Western Europe, [Rude Stone Monuments, 275, 399; Jour. A. S. Beng. xlviii, 11 - 13; Caldwell's Dravidian Grammar, 2nd Edition, 593.]

It has been shown in the History Chapter that, though they have ceased to hold a prominent place, the Kods continue to form an element in the Konkan population. Kod appears as a Marathi surname, and according to one account, as the name of a distinct community on the Thana coast about fifteen miles north of Sopara. [Later accounts from Kelva-Mahim speak of the Kods as a sub-division of Kunbis, not as a separate community. The Mamlatdar of Mahim.] The large funeral urn carved on the tops of the paliyas or memorial slabs which, probably as late as the eleventh or twelfth century, were so often set up in Thana, seems a relic of the practice of enclosing urns in sepulchres or burial-mounds. [Descriptions of memorial stones or paliyas are given above under Eksar and Shahapur.] The old practice of building burial mounds or cairns and of laying urns in them seems also to explain some of the present Konkan funeral rites. The burial service of several middle class Konkan Hindus, notably the Kunbis Prabhus and Pachkalsis of Thana, includes three chief observances. On the spot where the dead breathes his last and where the body is laid a lamp is kept burning for twelve days, and, during these days, offerings of rice and of milk are left in or near the house for the spirit's use. On the way to the burning ground the bearers stop, the bier is set on the ground, and the chief mourner and the bearers go to one side, gather small stones, heap them into a cairn a foot or eighteen inches high, and place a copper and some food under the stones or hide them near the cairn. One of the stones of the cairn, generally a small pointed stone, is chosen to represent the dead. This stone, which is known as the stone of life jivkhada, is taken by the chief mourner to the burning ground and there used to pierce a hole in a jar from which he lets water fall in a line round the pyre. [With the miniature cairns and the stone of life may be compared the miniature stone chamber, like a box, in which the Mala Arians of Travancor place a small stone which is believed to be the spirit's dwelling place. See Fergusson's Rude Stone Monuments, 479.] Then the stone is either taken home or thrown into water. At the burning ground, for twelve days after the funeral, offerings of rice and milk are left for the use of the spirit. The food and drink set for the spirit, in the house, under or near the cairn, and at the burning ground, seem to show that the present funeral observances include traces of two rites older than the main ceremonies at the burning ground. The milk and rice offered to the spirit in the house seem traces of an early practice of house burial. [The NilgiriTodas still keep, or till lately kept, the practice of burning a body in its old dwelling house. Tylor's Primitive Culture, II. 26-47. Other examples of house burial are given in Spencer's Principles of Sociology, I. 217, and in Tylor's Primitive Culture, II. 26. Among the Russians in the tenth century a sick man was put in a separate tent with food and drink. If he got well he came back. If he died they burned him and his tent, Reinaud's Abu-1-fida, lxxx.] So the stopping on the way to the burning-ground, the building of the cairn, and the offering of money and of food seem traces of former mound building. Urn burial is still occasionally practised by rich Deccan Marathas, who, on the third day after the funeral, gather the ashes and bones in an urn or earthen pot and lay the urn in a raised masonry tomb.[Compare the miniature arms and vessels found in cairns in the extreme south on both sides of the Sahyadris, and in graves in Coorg and elsewhere. Rude Stone Monuments, 479. Bishop Caldwell speaks (Grammar, New Ed., 595) of a number of beautiful little vessels of various shapes made of glazed pottery.] In the Konkan the only trace of the practice seems to be the temporary burial of ashes in an urn until the time comes to take them to Benares or other holy place. The pots of food that used to be left in the tomb for the use of the dead survive in the three small jars (2" X 1") called tilas which, on the third day after the funeral, are, with three small cakes, left full of water near the burning or burying ground.

Nil Dongri.

Near a well at the south end of Nil Dongri are five fragments of carved figures from some pre-Musalman temple. They are said to have been found on the hill when earth was carried away at the time of making the railway. There is a small mound on the top of the hill with some cemented stones, apparently the remains of the small Portuguese fort.

Rakshi Dongar.

On the level of the basalt pillars, across a ravine to the east, a cluster of large stones stands out from the hill side. From the other side of the ravine they look like a circular monument of unhewn stones. But examination shows no trace of artificial arrangement. The stones are an outcrop of the same basalt dyke as the pillars on the western spur. At the south-west base of the Rakshi hill is a broken land-grant stone with a rudely carved ass-curse but no writing. Near a Mhar hamlet about half-way between the Nil and Rakshi hills, that is about two miles east of Sopara, is a small shrine to the goddess Mahamari the cholera spirit. The emblems of the goddess are three roughly round stones covered with redlead and about four inches in diameter. The shrine which shelters them is made of three slate-like slabs of yellow trap, two side slabs about two feet long and a foot high placed about two feet apart, and a top slab about two feet square This rude shrine is interesting from its resemblance to the open-fronted chamber-tombs or dolmens of north India and west Europe. These Mhars have lately come from Ratnagiri.


Besides those mentioned in the text, Dr. Burgess gives the following references to Sopara: [Ind. Ant. XI. 236-237.] In the Ramayan, ' Then go to the western quarter, to the Surashtras, the Bahlikas, the Abhiras, Shurparak, Prabhas, and Dvaravati (Dwarka),'[Gorresio's Ramayan, IV. 47, 526. Shurparak does not occur in this passage in all MSS. of the Ramayan.] In the Mahabharat,' Then the very powerful one conquered Shurparak; then let one go to Shurparak dwelt in by Jamadagnya (Parshuram), the man who bathes in the Ramatirtha will obtain much gold; [This is the ' Ramatirtha in Shorparaga' mentioned in Ushavdat's inscription in Nasik Cave VIII. See above, p. 320.] the altar, my son, of the noble-minded Jamadagni at Shurparak; thereupon Sagara (the ocean) fashioned forthwith for that Jamadagnya the Shurparak country occupying the western face of the earth; [Muir's Sanskrit Texts, I. 455.] he who fasts for one fortnight, after bathing in the waters of the Narbada and the waters of Shurparak, becomes a prince. '[Mahabharat, II. 1169; III. 8185-86, 8337; XII. 1781-82; XIII, 1736. The Markandeya Puran mentions Shurparak as a country in Aparant (Chapter lvii. 49). Compare also Bhagvat Puran, X. 20, 79.] In Jain works Sopara is variously written Soparaya, Soparaka, and Sopar, and referred to as an auspicious city in Kunkunadesh where the Jain teacher Vajrasen (A.D. 60-80) converted the four sons of Jivdatt. These four sons became the founders of four families kuls.[Ind. Ant. XI. 237, 293,294.] The celebrated astronomer Varahmihir (A.D. 500) in his chapter on diamonds calls the Surashtran diamond copper-coloured and the Sopara diamond sable. [Jour. R. A. S. (New Series), VII. 125.]

To the identifications of Ophir given in the text must be added Sir Henry Rawlinson's recent identification with Apir or Apirak on the mainland, close to the island of Bahrain on the west coast of the Persian Gulf. [Jour. R. A. S. (New Series), XII. 214, 227. Against this identification it may be urged that Palmyra is believed to have been a centre of trade in the time of Solomon (Heeren's Asiatic Researches, III. 428); that therefore in Solomon's time there was communication by land between Gerrha or Bahrain and Palestine and Phoenicia; and that with this short land route there was little advantage in opening the long voyage by the Red Sea and East Arabia round the mouth of the Persian Gulf to Bahrain.]


Tha'na. Six copper-plates fastened together by a ring in two parcels of three each, were found in 1787 while digging foundations in Thana fort. [Asiatic Researches, I. 356-367.] They record a grant by the tenth Silahara chief Arikeshari. The names of the nine earlier chiefs are given and Arikeshari is described as by direction of his father even in childhood going with his army to Someshvar (Somnath Patan?) and offering the whole earth before the god. The grant is of the village of Chavinar(?) and the district of Tokabala Pallika(?) to the illustrious Tikkapaiya, son of the astronomer the illustrious Chhintapaiya, inhabitant of Shristhanak. Arikeshari is described as having made the gift after bathing ' in the opposite sea' on the full moon of Kartik (October-November) Shak 939 (A.D. 1017) Pingala Samvatsar, when there was a lunar eclipse. Arikeshari is described as governing 1400 Konkan villages, the chief of which was Puri. The towns of Hamyaman (probably Sanjan) and Shristhanak (Thana) are also mentioned. Arikeshari's ministers were the illustrious Vasapaiya and the illustrious Vardhipaiya. The inscription was written by Jouba, nephew of the great bard Nagalaiya who lived in the royal palace. It was engraved on plates of copper by Vedapaiya's son Mandharpaiya.

About 1830 two other copper-plates were found while digging a grave in Thana and sent by Mr. Baillie to the Honourable Mr. Elphinstone. They are dated A.D. 1272 and 1290 and record grants by Konkan viceroys of the ninth Devgiri Yadav Ramchandradev, better known as Ramdev (1271-1308) whom Ala-ud-din Khilji defeated. The 1272 grant is by one Achyut Nayak ' the powerful western prince' to propitiate divine favour on the illustrious Ramchandradev. The date is Sunday the fifth of the bright half of A'shvin (September-October) Shak 1194 (A.D. 1272) Angira Samvatsar. The village granted is Vavla in the Konkan in the district of Shatashasthi (Salsette). [Vavla village is seven miles north of Thana.] The grantees are thirty-two Brahmans, who are to employ themselves constantly invoking blessings on Ramchandradev. [The names of the Brahmans are given in the inscription. The village is granted to them with its grass, timber and water, trees and forests, with the khari (creek?) streams and rivulets. Mr. Wathen in Jour. R. A. S. (Old Series), V. 185-187.] The 1290 grant was by the illustrious Krishnadev, governing the whole province of the Konkan under the orders of the illustrious Ram (Ramchandradev). The object of the grant is the prolongation of Ram's life, his preservation in good health, and the increase of his wealth. The village granted is Anjor in the district of Khajana Warrari(?) and the grantees are forty Brahmans. [Anjor is seven miles south-west of Bhiwndi. The village is granted with its hamlets limited to its proper bounds, with its grass, timber, water and forest trees, mines, treasures, and land marks. The names of the forty grantees are given in the inscription. Mr. Wathen in Jour. R. A. S. (Old Series), V. 178-183.] The grant bears date Tuesday the fifteenth of the bright half of Vaishakh (April-May) Shak 1218 (A.D. 1290) Virodhi Samvatsar.


Utan. Three land-grant stones were found about 1835 by Mr. Murphy in Salsette. Mr. Murphy writes, ' One is the fragment of a grant in the village of Utan in Salsette from a prince named Keshidev Raja in the year of our era 1047; the others are similar grants in Utan and Veoor (Yeur?) from Haripaldev in A.D. 1099 and A.D. 1100. The last two dates are apparently incorrect, for there is a difference of ten years between the names of the years as they stand in the cycle (Samvatsar) and the figures. The grant, dated A.D. 1099, asserts that there was an eclipse of the moon on the day on which it was written. All three name the Rajas as the descendants of a long line of ancestors. '[Trans. Bom.Geog. Soc. I. 132.] The names of the grantors correspond with the names of two Silahara chiefs, who, according to present information, are numbered sixteen and nineteen. Land grants of Haripaldev the sixteenth chief have been found dated A.D. 1149, 1150, and 1153, and grants of Keshidev, the nineteenth chief, have been found dated A.D. 1203 and 1238. These dates do not tally with those given by Mr Murphy. Mr. Murphy's first date (A.D. 1047) is apparently wrong. [The Anantdev copperplate mentions three kings, Chhittaraj (A.D. 1027) Nagarjun and Mummuni (A.D. 1060) but none of them can be identified with the Utan Keshidev.] If his second and third dates are right (A.D. 1099 and 1100), Haripaldev (I.?) will come after the fourteenth Silahara chief Anantdev, whose grants bear date 1081 and 1094, and between whom and the earliest date (A.D. 1138) of the next known chief Aparaditya (I.) is a blank of forty-four years. [See Thana Statistical Account, Part I. pp. 422-427.]


Va'gholi One of the inscribed stones in the Collector's garden in Thana was brought from Vagholi a mile west of Sopara. The stone is 3' 8" long, 1' 1" broad, and 7" thick. The inscription contained fourteen lines, but none of them can be made out. Even the date, which can be traced in the first line, is illegible.